THE 

IRISH  QUESTION 


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jgv  0 6 2006 

T J5sE  Y 


THE 


llSU  QUESTION 

4-^ 


AS  VIEWED  BY 

ONE  'NDRED  EMINENT  STATESMEN  OF 
r.N.  ND,  IRELAND  AND  AMERICA. 


SKETCH  " IRISH  HISTORY. 


SPEECHES  AND  LE.  'S,  IN  FULL, 

OF 

GLADSTONE,  . BLAINE,  RANDALL, 

PARNELL,  HENDRICK.  SHERMAN, 

DAVITT,  LOGAN,  - 

AND  MANY  OTHERS. 


NEW  YORK ; 

FORD’S  NATIONAL  LIBRARY, 
17  Barclay  Street. 

1886. 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONGRESS  TO  THE  IRISH  rEOPEE,  ON  THE  EVE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOITJTION.  (See  page 


THE' 


y I R I S H QU ESTrdNj’l 


AS  VIEWED  BY 


ONE  HUNDRED  EMINENT  STATESMEN  OF 
ENGLAND,  IRELAND  AND  AMERICA. 


WITH  A 


SKETCH  OF  IRISH  HISTORY. 


THE 

SPEECHES  AND  LETTERS,  IN  FULL, 


GLADSTONE, 

PARNELL, 

DAVITT, 


OF 

BLAINE, 

HENDRICKl' 

LOGAN, 


RANDALL, 

SHERMAN, 

D/vvVES 


AND  MANY  OTHERS. 


"NEW  YORK  : 

FORD’S  NATIONAL  LIBRARY, 
17  Barclay  Street. 

1886. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign  Alternates 


https://archive.org/details/irishquestionasvOOkill 


CONTENTS 


A Sketch  Of  Irish  History.  ....  3-44 


The  Story  of  the  Anglo-Irish  Union.  . . 47-56  ^ 

Address  of  the  Contineni  al  Congress  to  the 

Irish  People.  . . . . . • 57"59 

Congratulatory  Address  of  the  Irish  Nation.  60-71 


.etters  and  Opinions  of  Eminent  Americans 

ON  the  Irish  Question.  . . . . 75-185 


Speech  of  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  on  the  Irish 
Question.  . ..... 

Impeachment  of  English  Rule  in  Ireland,  by 
Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone. 

Speech  of  Charles  Stewart  Parnell  on  Home 

Rule.  ....... 


189-199 


203-259' 


263-282 


Speech  of  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone. 

What  Will  Satisfy  the  Irish  People,  by 
Michael  Davitt.  ..... 


285-308 

311-316 


i 


CONTENTS, 


A Sketch  t5F  Irish  History. 

The  Story  of  the  Anglo-Irish  Union. 


• ^-44 , 

• ^ 47-56: 


Address  of  the  Contineni  al  Congress  to  the  '1? 

Irish  People.  . . . . . . 57-59 


Congratulatory  Address,  of  the  Irish  Nation.  "'60-71, 


Letters  and  Opinions  of  Eminent  Americans 

ON  THE  Irish  Question.  . . . . 75-185 


Speech  of  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  on  the  Irish 

Question.  189-199 


Impeachment  of  English  Rule  in  Ireland,  by 

Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone.  . . . 203-259-^ 


Speech  of  Charles  Stewart  Parnell  on  Home 

Rule.  . . . . . . . 263-282 

Speech  of  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone.  . . 


. , ^5.3084 

What  Will  Satisfy  the  Irish  People,  by  ' 
Michael  Davitt.  . . ! . ^ . 


3ii-3i6,v 


101 I47B 


. .. 


\ SKETCH  OF  IRISH  HISTORY 

BY 


JAMES  BRYCE  KILLEN,  LL.D. 


A SKETCH  OF  IRISH  HISTORY 


BY 


JAMES  BRYCE  KILLEN,  LL.D.  - 


. ■ •¥= 


tM'.  , ■ ' • f 

■-.'■v -A.-v- ■ 


v>- 

’"*/V 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


HER  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 

IRELAND  and  England  have  been  more  or  less  politically 
connected  since  the  year  1169,  yet  Ireland  and  England 
are  not  united.  So  far  from  being  united,  the  history 
of  the  relations  between  them  up  to  the  present  has  been,  in 
some  form  or  other,  one  of  perpetual  struggle — of  unscrupu- 
lous aggression  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  undeviating  resist- 
ance on  the  other.  After  revolutions,  social  and  political, 
which  have  taken  away  from  Ireland  everything  distinctively 
Irish,  her  language,  her  laws,  her  native  institutions,  and 
r y repeated  settlements  of  foreigners,  have  made  her  popu- 
6:  .ation  more  composite,  perhaps,  than  that  of  any  nation  in 
Europe,  Ireland  and  England  are  almost  as  little  similar  in 
sentiment,  and  perhaps,  farther  away  from  the  chances  of 
mutual  friendship  or  confidence  than  they  were  when  Strong- 
bow  landed  on  the  coast  of  Wexford  more  than  700  years 
ago. 

Spirit  of  English  Government. 

History  shows  no  indication  that  the  feelings  of  England 
have  materially  changed  towards  the  island  which  she  loves 
to  call  “ sister,*'  and  history  teaches  us  that  it  is  a fixed  idea 
in  the  British  mind  that  Ireland  was  made  for  English  pur- 
poses, and  may  be  used  as  such  altogether  irrespective  of 
Irish  rights;  in  other  words,  to  put  it  plainly,  that  the  Irish- 
man has  no  rights  which  the  Englishman  is  bound  to  respect, 
when  those  rights  are  supposed  to  interfere  with  his  own 
interests,  and  that  England  is  not  bound  to  obey  any  obliga- 


V'lT  r-..  -vl  •;.>  ..'flia  !f  * ^I3>i  T ‘ 

Ma/^«»rs  jrfj /-J.-' ■ • ■ '-  :.i-: -',1^  ■ 

■, :■.:»•  > '::^'ivr.-U  - 

V ' 1<>  i l ■ •*'  > ^4;^-  ■■' 

' ’ it-  I ^ 'V  {^aahv  ' yi  / 

■fi; .'.  '-V^-' y i- - ■ ■ ■ ' ■■  ■-■>■'  " 

aT.«^-;;.0'';t{/  t'H-  .''ViliP  liii  ,.f.  ' '' -'■  •'.i'^-iM^  '*^4. 


■.TiV  y^<3,'.'  ,c  ;.;*;•'!»<■;“<  * if  '■■  '■  if 

. -;■  . c /'••-  •-  . ,3J‘  ■-  mpO 


Ct"' 
h 


•'.-.<,  ^,1 

l'i<  .1.  \ ■ , , ^ _ 

‘■.rji,’-  •■I-  .b'flrS  iiit..;  .' 'if  " ^ 

-rr  rfiVA  V' - -Itt! 

■ .uuliirt^‘''ri!i‘>4 

■■;  ,•.  I'ini': '0  .(dl, 

..  V , ' ■,  ‘ -fll  / -*<^ 

r ;•■■•,...■«; r.'V-' -v  ' 'i*'.; '■■: ■ '1  :■■'  . 

•‘  '■ 
•'/-.‘j!..’  V:  i'' ■*  .'s  »A ^ 

.„  .,  ,•....-  i. ',...  . '■.'  - ^ 

> ' i u '■..)  -.-v  ^ "<•■=<  ■ ''l''^ 

. .,  ,,  ,••.  .X-. 

-jj^Ujc.  ii*;  x:j:h(tsiou^iiiy^'^ 


I 

I 

i' 


■ 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


HER  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 

IRELAND  and  England  have  been  more  or  less  politically 
connected  since  the  year  1169,  Ireland  and  England 
are  not  united.  So  far  from  being  united,  the  history 
of  the  relations  between  them  up  to  the  present  has  been,  in 
some  form  or  other,  one  of  perpetual  struggle — of  unscrupu- 
lous aggression  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  undeviating  resist- 
ance on  the  other.  After  revolutions,  social  and  political, 
which  have  taken  away  from  Ireland  everything  distinctively 
Irish,  her  language,  her  laws,  her  native  institutions,  and 
|||py  repeated  settlements  of  foreigners,  have  made  her  popu- 
lation more  composite,  perhaps,  than  that  of  any  nation  in 
■ Europe,  Ireland  and  England  are  almost  as  little  similar  in 
I sentiment,  and  perhaps,  farther  away  from  the  chances  of 
mutual  friendship  or  confidence  than  they  were  when  Strong- 
bow  landed  on  the  coast  of  Wexford  more  than  700  years 
ago. 

Spirit  of  English  Government. 

History  shows  no  indication  that  the  feelings  of  England 
have  materially  changed  towards  the  island  which  she  loves 
to  call  “ sister,’'  and  history  teaches  us  that 'it  is  a fixed  idea 
in  the  British  mind  that  Ireland  was  made  for  English  pur- 
poses, and  may  be  used  as  such  altogether  irrespective  of 
Irish  rights;  in  other  words,  to  put  it  plainly,  that  the  Irish- 
man has  no  rights  which  the  Englishman  is  bound  to  respect, 
when  those  rights  are  supposed  to  interfere  with  his  own 
interests,  and  that  England  is  not  bound  to  obey  any  obliga- 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND: 


ns,  legal  or  moral,  she  may  be  under  to  Ireland.  More- 
over, history  informs  us  that  fear,  or  a prudence  very  much^ 
resembling  it,  is  the  controlling  force  in  English  council 
where  Ireland  is  concerned,  and  that  no  privilege  has  ever 
been  conceded  her  except  as  the  outcome  of  terror  in  some 
shape  or  other.  Ireland,  moreover,  has  been  told  over  and 
over  again,  that  she  must  be  content  with  whatever  England 
may  be  pleased  to  give  her,  and  not  only  content  but  grate- 
ful; and  as  Ireland  has  been  neither  content  nor  grateful, 
force  has  been  employed  to  make  her  so,  and  would  still  be 
employed  so  far  as  there  is  anything  in  recent  history  to 
convince  us  to  the  contrary,  were  it  not  that  force,  as  an 
instrument  of  Government,  has  been  found  to  be  useless^or 
impossible.  A recollection  of  these  facts  will  furnish  the 
key  to  many  peculiarities  of  English  policy  in  Ireland. 


"i 


A Chequered  History. 

The  reader  who  ventures  upon  the  study  of  Irish  History 
must  prepare  himself  for  many  a shudder.  It  is  difficult 
indeed,  to  go  through  some  portions  of  Ireland’s  melan3 
choly  volume,  without  being  at  times  arlmost  ashamed  of 
one’s  humanity,  or  in  danger  of  losing  one’s  faith  in  an 
overruling  providence,  so  terrible  are  the  horrors  it  records, 
and  so  unlike  the  men  made  in  the  image  of  God  are  the 
perpetrators.  But  out  of  evil  comes  good,  as  from  the 
grave  filled  with  corruption  and  death  spring  fairest  flowers. 
The  actors  in  the  drama  of  the  world’s  wrongs  have  given 
some  of  its  brightest  pages  to  the  Bible  of  Humanity. 
From  the  history  of  human  misery  and  error,  we  pass  on  to 
the  history  of  the  benevolence  which  relieved  them,  and  in 
the  history  of  human  oppression  we  read  the  thrilling  records 
of  the  patriot  and  the  hero.  So  in  a special  manner  has  it 
been  in  Ireland  for  the  last  700  years.  In  no  country  has 
human  nature  played  so  many  and  diverse  parts,  divine  and 
diabolical  by  turns,  or  showed  so  conspicuously  its  worse 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS, 


5 


and  its  better  sides.  There  have  raged  passions  that  devils 
would  disown,  and  there  too  have  shone  virtues  which  would 
have  brightened  the  moral  beauty  of  the  angels.  It  is  a 
pitiable  history,  a glorious  history,  a history  of  human 
strength  and  human  weakness,  of  human  wickedness  and 
human  devotedness,  of  noble  virtues  and  of  unequalled 
baseness, — a history  for  devils  to  gloat  over  and  for  gods 
to  admire;  for  the  world  to  wonder  at,  and  for  every  one 
who  would  learn  something  of  the  incredible  possibilities  of 
human  nature  for  good  or  evil,  to  study. 

Prejudice  and  Slander. 

People  sit  down  to  the  history  of  other  countries  with  minds 
unbiassed  generally,  prepared  to  accept  or  fairly  weigh  the 
statements  of  the  historian,  but  the  history  of  Ireland  has 
seldom  been  so  fortunate.  To  it  they  not  unfrequently  come 
with  minds  so  loaded  with  prejudice  and  overrun  with  pre- 
possessions, or  perverted  with  partisan  feeling,  that  they  are 
■Usually  inclined  to  qualify,  if  not  quite  repudiate,  any  state- 
rments,  however  well  authenticated,  which  may  conflict  with 
their  previous  opinions.  To  American  readers  these  remarks 
may  seem  superfluous,  but  the  American  mind  has  not  quite 
escaped  the  operation  of  the  malignant  influences  which 
have  been  so  long  at  work  in  the  endeavor  to  defame  and 
disfigure  everything  Irish.  Where  England  fails  to  conquer 
she  never  fails  to  malign,  for  she  wishes  to  find  an  excuse 
for  the  cruelty  and  injustice  with  which  she  invariably  treats 
those  whom  she  assails,  in  the  vileness  and  perversity  of 
her  victims.  She  has  always  acted  in  this  way  towards  the 
Irish,  and  she  acted  similarly  towards  the  Americans  during 
the  time  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  when  she  trumpeted  them 
through  her  press  and  parliament  as  a mob  of  disorderly 
ruffians,  in  terms  very  much  the  same  as  those  which  she  is 
in  the  habit  of  using  in  her  dealings  with  Ireland.  People 
have  been  told,  for  instance,  that  the  history  of  Ireland  was 


6 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND, 


only  a history  of  barbarism  and  dissension,  and  the  appre- 
ciative genius  of  the  model  Briton  never  failed  to  refer  to 
the  fable  of  the  Kilkenny  cats  in  corroboration  of  his  state- 
ment. It  has  even  been  said  that  the  destiny  of  Ireland  was 
foreshadowed  in  its  very  name.  It  was  truly  a land  of  anger 
and  fierce  resentment.  Moreover  it  should  not  be  forgot, 
it  was  remarked,  that  its  ancient  name  of  “ Erin  ” was  syn- 
onymous with  the  Greek  word  for  strife.  And  the  prophetic 
spirit  of  the  Romans  called  it  “ Hibernia,*’  because  they 
knew  that  men  would  never  have  rest  there  from  the  winter- 
like storms  of  war  and  the  cruel  gusts  of  domestic  contention. 

By  a continuance  of  these  and  other  such  silly  and  mali- 
cious slanders  the  world,  or  a great  portion  of  it,  was  led  to 
believe  that  England  was  really  the  benefactor  she  every- 
where claims  to  be,  and  that  the  Irish  were  an  extremely 
obtuse  and  ungrateful  people  indeed,  in  not  recognizing 
the  benevolent  wisdom  which  saved  them  from  themselves, 
and  prevented  them,  fools,  savages,  or  madmen  that  they 
were,  from  cutting  each  other’s  throats,  or  dashing  out  theM 
brains  against  the  round  towers.  These  were  the  libels  nov 
simply  of  prejudice  and  vanity,  but  the  libels  of  a calculating 
selfishness,  which  vilified  those  it  victimized  that  it  might 
the  more  easily  effect  its  purposes  and  turn  away  the  sym- 
pathy which  the  generosity  of  mankind  seldom  refuses  to 
the  oppressed. 

Not  many  years  ago  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  to  hear  a 
certain  class  of  Irishmen  apologize  when  obliged  to  refer  to 
the  history  of  Ireland,  as  though  the  thing  were  too  insig- 
nificant to  be  spoken  of;  or  refer  to  it  only  for  the  purpose 
of  getting  off  some  flippant  jest  for  the  amusement  of  an 
anti-Irish  audience.  That  the  stolid  and  majestic  English- 
man should  sneer,  as  sneer  he  often  did,  at  any  allusion  to 
what  he  called  the  petty  annals  of  a conquered  country, 
was  not  so  remarkable,  when  we  remember  that  the  blun- 
ders of  statesmen  who  undertook  to  govern  Ireland,  and 


%' 

§ 


S’, 


■•  ••  • ' 

' ‘ * ' THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 

^[pniy  a history  of  barbarism  and  dissension,  and  the  appre- 
il^ciative  genius  of  the  model  Briton  never  failed  to  refer  to 
p^Cthe  fable  of  the  Kilkenny  cats  in  corroboration  of  his  state- 
lament,  It  has  even  been  said  that  the  destiny  of  Ireland  was 
^^foreshadowed  in  its  very  name.  It  was  truly  a land  of  anger 
and  fierce  resentment.  Moreover  it  should  not  he  forgot, 
^^"it  was  remarked,  that  its  ancient  name  of  Erin  **  was  syn- 
onymous  with  the  Greek  word  for  strife.  And  the  prophetic 
spirit  of  the  Romans  called  it  “ Hibernia,**  because  they 
knew  that  men  would  never  have  rest  there  from  the  winter- 
like  storms  of  war  and  the  cruel  gusts  of  domestic  contention. 
^ By  a continuance  of  these  and  other  such  silly  and  mali- 
cious slanders  the  world,  or  a great  portion  of  it,  was  led  to 
' believe  that  England  was  really  the  benefactor  she  every- 
: where  claims  to  be,  and  that  the  Irish  were  an  extremely 
V obtuse  and  ungrateful  people  indeed,  in  not  recognizing 
the  benevolent  wisdom  which  saved  them  from  themselves, 
and  prevented  them,  fools,  savages,  or  madmen  that  they 
were,  from  cutting  each  other*s  throats,  or  dashing  out  thei. 

^ brains  against  the  round  towers.  These  were  the  libels  not 
simply  of  prejudice  and  vanity,  but  the  libels  of  a calculating 
selfishness,  which  vilified  those  it  victimized  that  it  might 
the  more  easily  effect  its  purposes  and  turn  away  the  sym- 
pathy which  the  generosity  of  mankind  seldom  refuses  to 
the-oppressed. 

Not  many  years  ago  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  to  hear  a 
: \ certain  class  of  Irishmen  apologize  when  oblige'd  to  refer  to 
the  history  of  Ireland,  as  though  the  thing  were  too  insig- 
nificant to  be  spoken  of;  or  refer  to  it  only  for  the  purpose 
of  getting  off  some  flippant  jest  for  the  amusement  of  an 
anti-Irish  audience.  That  the  stolid  and  majestic  English- 
man should  sneer,  as  sneer  he  often  did,  at  any  allusion  to 
what  he  called  the  petty  annals  of  a conquered  country, 
was  not  so  remarkable,  when  we  remember  that  the  blun- 
ders  of  statesmen  who  undertook  to  govern  Ireland,  and 


II^jSLAND^S  trials  and  triumphs. 


who,  perhaps,  knew  something  of  the  history  of  Genghis,^ 


B 


Khan  and  the  states  of  Barbary,  when  obliged  to  refer  to 


the  history  of  the  people  for  whom  they  presumed  to  legi^;;^ 


late,  formed  one  pf  the  prominent  and  most  entertaining  ^ 


features  of  Irish  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Commons, ; 


An  Heroic  History. 


Yet  Ireland  has  a history — a history  of  which  a people 
even  more  sensitively  alive  to  all  that  concerns  their  coun- 
try's honor  than  those  of  Ireland  might  be  proud,  one  that 
stretches  far  back  towards  the  early  limits  of  time,  with  its 
heroic  age  as  wonderful  as  that  of  Greece,  sung  by  bards 
almost  Homeric  in  their  grandeur;  with  its  succeeding 
periods  of  peace,  and  progress,  and  literary  eminence,  and 
in  the  sorrowful  latter  days,  during  the  long  lapse  of  struggle 
and  suffering  and  humiliation  which  followed  the  Anglo- 
Norman  invasion,  instances  of  patriotism  and  lofty  patience, 
which  for  simple  and  unselfish  nobleness  the  annals  of  no 
other  nation  can  surpass.  Sad  though  much  of  it  be,  the 
lessons  which  it  teaches  must  be  learned  by  every  one  who 
wishes  to  form  a correct  idea  of  the  anomalies  and  difficul- 
ties which  meet  the  observer  in  Irish  society.  History  does 
not  end  with  the  events  it  records;  the  past  lives  in  the 
present  through  the  influences  it  has  produced.  This  is 
especially  the  case  in  Ireland,  for  the  Irish  character  is 
conservative  to  a romantic  degree  of  the  customs  and  recol- 
lections of  the  past,  and  the  political  events  of  her  history 
have  retarded  that  social  advancement  which  is  best  able  to 
eradicate  such  associations  by  the  introduction  of  new  habits 
and  ideas.  Moreover,  in  the  record  of  its  tragedies  and  trials 
and  in  the  very  presence  almost  of  that  triumph  which  is 
sure  ultimately  and  soon  to  crown  the  efforts  of  the  Irish 
people,  it  teaches  a lesson  to  the  tyrant  as  well  as  to  those 
struggling  to  be  free,  for  it  tells  the  one  that,  however  strong 
he  may  think  himself  to  be,  that  the  strength  of  human  love 


i 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS, 


1 


who,  perhaps,  knew  something  of  the  history  of  Genghis 
Khan  and  the  states  of  Barbary,  when  obliged  to  refer  to 
the  history  of  the  people  for  whom  they  presumed  to  legis- 
late, formed  one  of  the  prominent  and  most  entertaining 
features  of  Irish  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Commons. 

An  Heroic  History. 

Yet  Ireland  has  a history — a history  of  which  a people 
even  more  sensitively  alive  to  all  that  concerns  their  coun- 
try's honor  than  those  of  Ireland  might  be  proud,  one  that 
stretches  far  back  towards  the  early  limits  of  time,  with  its 
heroic  age  as  wonderful  as  that  of  Greece,  sung  by  bards 
almost  Homeric  in  their  grandeur;  with  its  succeeding 
periods  of  peace,  and  progress,  and  literary  eminence,  and 
in  the  sorrowful  latter  days,  during  the  long  lapse  of  struggle 
and  suffering  and  humiliation  which  followed  the  Anglo- 
Norman  invasion,  instances  of  patriotism  and  lofty  patience, 
which  for  simple  and  unselfish  nobleness  the  annals  of  no 
other  nation  can  surpass.  Sad  though  much  of  it  be,  the 
lessons  which  it  teaches  must  be  learned  by  every  one  who 
wishes  to  form  a correct  idea  of  the  anomalies  and  difficul- 
ties which  meet  the  observer  in  Irish  society.  History  does 
not  end  with  the  events  it  records;  the  past  lives  in  the 
present  through  the  influences  it  has  produced.  This  is 
especially  the  case  in  Ireland,  for  the  Irish  character  is 
conservative  to  a romantic  degree  of  the  customs  and  recol- 
lections of  the  past,  and  the  political  events  of  her  history 
have  retarded  that  social  advancement  which  is  best  able  to 
eradicate  such  associations  by  the  introduction  of  new  habits 
and  ideas.  Moreover,  in  the  record  of  its  tragedies  and  trials 
and  in  the  very  presence  almost  of  that  triumph  which  is 
sure  ultimately  and  soon  to  crown  the  efforts  of  the  Irish 
people,  it  teaches  a lesson  to  the  tyrant  as  well  as  to  those 
struggling  to  be  free,  for  it  tells  the  one  that,  however  strong 
he  may  think  himself  to  be,  that  the  strength  of  human  love 


8 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


and  human  hope  is  greater  than  he  is;  and  it  tells  the  other, 
that  he  who  loves  bravely  and  hopes  boldly  in  a good  cause, 
should  never  feel  the  humiliation  of  defeat  until  he  has  de- 
clared his  unworthiness  to  maintain  the  struggle  by  his  fear 
or  by  his  desertion.  Long  indeed  was  it  sought  to  teach 
Ireland  the  wisdom  of  acknowledging  her  weakness  and  the 
policy  of  sitting  down  in  the  ashes  of  a quiet  self-abasement. 
With  noble  persistence,  even  in  moments  of  deepest  agony 
and  prostration,  Ireland  has  refused  to  do  so.  She  has  re- 
fused to  bring  the  history  of  her  long  hopes  to  a conclusion 
so  ignominious.  Her  heart,  her  voice,  her  hand  still  keep 
up  the  indignant  war  against  the  injustice  of  the  past,  and 
her  pale  brow,  tinted  with  the  flush  of  coming  triumph  still 
gleams  with  the  hopes  which  crowned  her  of  old.  In  the 
presence  of  God  and  before  the  world — the  world  which  has 
at  last  come  to  know  her,  and  listen  to  her  voice — she  still 
stands  unconquered,  with  the  scars  of  700  years’  struggle 
upon  her  breast,  the  oldest  nationality  in  Europe,  the  em- 
blem of  love  that  cannot  die,  of  hopes  that  cannot  be  broken. 

Who  are  the  Irish  People? 

The  question  may  seem  unnecessary,  and  so  it  would  be, 
were  it  not  for  the  attempts  frequently  made,  with  the  malig- 
nant object  of  exciting  the  animosity  of  Englishmen  against 
them,  as  against  people  of  a race  so  entirely  different  from 
themselves  as  to  justify  any  suspicion  they  might  entertain 
of  them,  or  excuse  any  treatment  they  might  choose  to  in- 
flict upon  them.  Some  years  ago  a writer  in  a leading 
London  journal  declared  that  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  in- 
tended to  establish  in  Ireland  a “ purely  Celtic  Republic,” 
with  a constitution  modelled  on  that  which  prevailed  in  the 
days  of  ]>rian  Boru.  The  statement  is  too  ridiculous  to  re- 
quire refutation,  but  it  is  not  more  ridiculous  or  more  un- 
founded than  many  made  by  “ enlightened  ” English  writers 
about  Ireland.  Speaking  loosely,  we  call  the  Irish  “ Celtic  ” 


II^ELAND^S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS, 


9 


because  the  Celtic  element  lies  at  the  foundation  of  their  ex- 
istence, but  they  are  perhaps,  very  little  more  Celtic  than 
the  English  themselves.  The  Normans  from  time  to  time 
made  a considerable  settlement  in  the  country,  but  even 
before  the  invasion  of  the  Normans,  there  was  a large  Danish 
element  in  the  island,  which  by  degrees  sank  into  the  mass 
of  the  population.  Since  Strongbow's  time  there  have  been 
repeated  immigrations  from  England,  Wales,  Scotland,  and 
elsewhere,  all  of  which,  with  the  exception  of  a portion  of 
the  Scotch  element  in  Ulster,  rapidly  coalesced  with  the 
existing  population.  It  would  be  as  impossible  to  find  a 
pure  Celt  in  Ireland  as  it  would  be  to  find  a pure  Frank  in 
France.  The  people  of  Wexford  are  almost  exclusively  of 
Welsh  or  English  extraction.  Tipperary,  the  most  Irish 
county  in  Ireland,  has  not  a man  among  its  population  who 
is  so  much  as  one  third  a Celt.  Testimony  and  tradition^ 
however,  show  that  the  Ancient  Irish  were  of  Phoenician 
origin;  that  they  left  their  home  in  the  East  many  centuries 
before  Christ,  and  that  trading  relations  were  kept  up  be- 
tween Ireland  and  Tyre,  the  capital  of  Phoenicia,  until  the 
destruction  of  that  city  by  Alexander  the  Great.  The 
Phoenician  theory,  moreover,  is  strangely  corroborated  by 
the  fact  that  a line  in  a play  of  the  Roman  dramatist, 
Plautus,  supposed  to  be  in  the  Carthaginian  tongue,  and 
indeed  the  only  relic  or  trace  of  it  remaining,  is  said  to  bear 
a strong  resemblance  to  the  Irish,  if  not  actually  to  belong 
to  that  language.  As  Carthage  was  a Phoenician  colony 
it  of  course  spoke  the  language  of  the  mother  Country. 

Ancient  Ireland. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  however,  we  now  know  upon  the  best 
historical  evidence  that  Ireland  is  a land  of  great  antiquity, 
and  of  wonderful  civilization  at  a time  beyond  which,  to  use 
the  legal  phrase,  “the  memory  of  man  runneth  not  to  the 
contrary.”  Before  Rome  had  ceased  to  be  a village,  even  be- 


10 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


fore  Greece  had  given  any  of  her  glory  to  the  world,  Ireland 
was  a well-ordered  state,  with  all  the  spirit  and  leading 
lineaments  of  civilization.  No  doubt  much  of  what  has 
been  said  and  sung  of  these  far-off  times  may  be  mythical, 
but  there  is  a foundation  for  every  myth,  and  the  stories 
which  have  come  down  to  us  are  not  more  mythical  than 
those  of  ancient  Greece,  while  the  Irish  myth  is  free  from 
the  moral  deformities  which  spoil  the  beauty  of  so  many  of 
the  Greek  legends.  But  a few  years  ago  such  statements 
as  these  were  almost  sure  to  be  met  with  a sneer.  They 
were  put  down  as  the  fanciful  vagaries  of  a vain  and  morbidly 
imaginative  people.  What  audacity  to  speak  of  Ireland  as 
an  inhabited  island  before  Britain  was  ever  heard  of,  and  as 
having  civilization  when  the  predecessors  of  those  who  rule 
the  waves  were  only  painted  savages  ! Evidence,  however, 
is  now  at  hand  which  was  long  lost  to  the  world  to  back  up 
these  assertions.  By  the  noble  labors  of  the  late  Professors 
O’Curry  and  O’Donovan  some  of  the  piles  of  Irish  MSS. 
which  lie  mouldering  on  the  shelves  of  Continental  libraries, 
deposited  there  by  loving  hands  when  there  was  no  place  for 
them  in  Ireland,  have  been  brought  to  light,  and  translated 
into  English.  What  and  how  great  the  Ancient  Irish  were 
may  be  gathered  from  these  records.  Their  system  of 
Government  and  social  institutions  as  described  to  us  bear, 
not  merely  the  marks  of  civilization  but  of  refinement. 
The  accomplishments  of  times  long  posterior  were  antici- 
pated. Chivalry  in  its  purest  aspects  was  an  established 
institution,  and  literature  was  paid  the  honor  for  centtiries 
denied  it  in  the  east  of  Europe,  in  the  fact  that  the  filea  or 
learned  man  was  socially  only  second  in  rank  to  the  sover- 
eign. "J'he  wonderful  relics  dug  up  from  bogs,  and  other 
such  places,  to  be  seen  in  the  “gold-room”  of  the  Irish 
Academy  in  Dublin,  attest  their  proficiency  in  the  higher 
kinds  of  artistic  workmanship.  But  it  is  to  their  laws  that 
we  must  look  for  the  noblest  evidences  of  their  social  and 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 


11 


political  progress.  A nation's  laws  are  always  the  surest 
index  to  its  mental  and  moral,  more,  perhaps,  than  to  its 
material  advancement.  They  represent  its  experience  and 
wisdom,  besides  reflecting  the  condition  of  the  society  and 
the  temper  of  its  inhabitants.  No  people  suddenly  become 
legislators,  and  the  existence  of  a code  of  laws  in  any 
nation  is  pretty  good  evidence  of  its  antiquity.  Besides 
proving  the  antiquity  of  the  people  by  whom  they  were 
made,  the  laws  of  Ancient  Ireland  are  instinct  with  a wis- 
dom and  a fine  sense  of  equity  which  indicate  a highly- 
matured  and  discriminating  as  well  as  beneficent  intelli- 
gence on  the  part  of  the  legislators.  The  poor  and  those 
engaged  in  intellectual  pursuits  were  generously  provided 
for.  Hospitality  was  enjoined  as  a duty,  and  institutions  for 
the  entertainment  of  strangers  and  travellers  were  supported 
at  the  public  expense.  Women,  whether  married  or  single, 
were  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  property  and  natural 
liberty  to  the  fullest  extent.  It  may  seem  very  strange  that 
the  most  recent  reforms  in  England  for  the  protection 
of  the  former  from  the  avarice  or  extravagance  of  their 
husbands, — reforms  which  it  took  the  Lord  Chancellor 
and  the  legislature  more  than  two  centuries  of  agitation  to 
accomplish, — are  almost  an  exact  reproduction  of  laws  in 
force  in  Ireland  2000  years  ago.  There  was  no  land  ques- 
tion in  those  days,  for  there  were  no  landlords.  The  land 
really  belonged  to  the  people  by  a system  which  prevented 
absolute  or  permanent  individual  ownership,  and  if  Mr. 
Henry  George  had  been  living  in  the  days  of  Ollam  Fodhla, 
Ireland's  great  lawgiver,  his  scheme  for  land  nationalization 
would  never  have  been  propounded,  for  in  its  essential  ele- 
ments it  was  in  existence  already.* 

* Under  the  penal  laws,  passed  in  the  reigns  of  William  III.  and 
Queen  Anne,  which  Dr.  Johnston  characterized  as  worse  than  the  ten 
Pagan  persecutions.  Catholics  or  “ Papists,  ” as  they  are  called  in  the 
Statutes,  were  prohibited : 


12 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


Christianity  was  introduced  into  Ireland  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  fifth  century  by  St.  Patrick,  and  the  message  was 
received  with  gladness  and  characteristic  enthusiasm.  With 
it  came  also  literature,  in  a new  and  higher  form,  and  the 
people  who  had  been  so  easily  made  subject  to  religion  be- 
came at  once  the  captives  of  learning.  For  the  next  three 
centuries,  Ireland,  to  use  the  sentiment,  if  not  the  precise 
words  of  Dr.  Johnson,  was  the  nursery  of  saints,  of  philoso- 
phers and  of  scholars.  Nor  did  she  keep  her  learning  to 
herself.  Her  missionaries  traversed  the  darkest  parts  of 
heathen  Europe,  planting  the  cross  wherever  they  went, 
while  her  scholars  were  found  and  welcomed  alike  in  the 
halls  of  universities  and  in  the  courts  of  princes.  This  was 
the  true  era  of  Ireland's  glory.  Of  the  Irish  of  this  period  it 
may  be  truly  said  that  they  left  their  mark  on  the  history 
and  institutions  of  the  world,  not  by  deeds  of  war,  blood- 
shed, or  plunder,  but  in  the  conquests  of  learning  over  ig- 
norance and  of  religion  over  spiritual  darkness. 


1.  From  acting  as  teachers  or  ushers  in  any  school. 

2.  From  sending  their  children,  or  any  child,  abroad  to  be  educated 
in  a Catholic  school;  and  any  one  sending  money  for  maintainence  of  said 
child  or  children  was  thereby  prevented  from  bringing  any  action  in  a 
court  of  law;  from  being  guardian,  administrator,  or  executor  of  anyone; 
from  being  capable  of  receiving  any  legacy  or  deed  of  gift,  besides  for- 
feiting all  his  real  and  personal  estates  for  life. 

3.  From  joining  any  of  the  learned  professions. 

4.  From  being  or  voting  for  members  of  Parliament  or  members  of 
municipal  corporations. 

5.  From  serving  on  grand  juries,  and  in  certain  cases  petty  juries. 

6.  From  carrying  or  keeping  arms. 

7.  From  succeeding  to  the  property  of  Protestant  relations. 

8.  From  purchasing  any  landed  estates,  or  rents,  or  profits  arising 
out  of  land  or  any  other  lease  for  any  term  exceeding  31  years,  in  which 
the  rent  should  be  at  least  one-third  of  the  improved  annual  value;  and 
any  lYotestant  who  “ discovered”  a breach  of  this  clause  became  enti- 
tled to  the  interest  in  the  lease. 

9.  l^Vom  being  the  owner  of  a horse,  colt,  or  other  such  animal  over 
the  value  of  ;^5. 


IRELANDS  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 


13 


The  Danish  Scourge. 

The  learning  and  civilization  which  had  been  for  so  many 
years  the  glory  of  Ireland,  and  the  enlightener  of  Continental 
Europe,  were  almost  entirely  swept  away  by  the  invasion  of 
the  Danes,  who  loosed  themselves  like  wolves  upon  the 
island  in  the  early  part  of  the  ninth  century.  For  200  years 
they  kept  it  in  perpetual  turmoil,  robbing  and  spoiling 
wherever  they  went,  and  spoiling  more  than  they  robbed, 
sacking  monasteries  and  turning  towns  into  ruins,  until, 
after  innumerable  conflicts  with  the  Irish,  they  were  finally 
overthrown  by  the  combined  forces  of  the  latter  under  Brian 
Boru,  at  Clontarf,  near  Dublin,  on  the  Good  Friday  of  a.d. 
1014. 

The  Anglo-Normans. 

They  were  followed  by  what  proved  to  be  a greater 
scourge,  the  Norman  English,  who  landed  in  Wexford  in 
1169.  Henceforth  in  Ireland  we  have  to  write  the  history 
of  two  nations,  the  history  of  the  Norman  invader  and  that 


Further,  Protestants  were  forbidden  to  marry  Catholics,  and  any  Pro- 
testant doing  so  was  disabled  from  voting  or  sitting  in  either  House  of 
Parliament. 

Bribes  were  also  given  to  such  of  the  Catholic  clergy  as  should  conform 
to  the  Protestant  religion — to  a priest  ;^30,  and  to  others  of  higher  de- 
gree accordingly.  “ Priest-hunting”  became  quite  a lucrative  occupa- 
tion in  the  latter  part  of  Queen  Anne’s  reign,  and  was  largely  followed, 
though  it  is  admitted  but  to  a small  extent  by  Irish  Protestants.  The 
chief  actors  in  this  infamous  business  were  Jews,  or  Jews  who  pretended 
to  have  been  converted  that  they  might  the  more  readily  secure  the  re- 
wards offered  in  each  case.  For  discovering  a bishop  exercising  ecclesi- 
astical functions,  the  informer  received  a reward  of  £^o\  for  any  secular 
clergyman,  not  duly  registered,  £10^  and  for  a monk  or  friar  acting  as 
tutor  or  school-teacher,  ;^io.  For  the  first  offence  by  a bishop  or  priest 
the  penalty  was  banishment,  for  the  second,  death.  These  laws  continued 
in  full  force  for  nearly  a century,  and  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been 
finally  abolished  until  the  passing  of  the  Act  for  the  Dis-establishment 
of  the  Anglican  Church  in  Ireland  in  1866. 


14 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


of  the  Celt  whom  he  long  endeavored  to  conquer.  The  one 
was  proud,  domineering  and  unscrupulous;  the  other  was 
equally  proud,  but  was  fonder  of  pleasure  than  of  power, 
and  was  less  practised  in  the  artifices  and  cunning  of  the 
age.  The  one  wanted  to  obtain  authority  and  riches;  the 
other  wished  to  preserve  his  freedom  and  his  hereditary 
possessions.  The  one  had  discipline,  order,  organization, 
on  his  side;  the  other  had  valor,  and  a nature  well  adapted 
for  war,  but  his  forces  were  scattered,  his  equipments  were 
few,  and  the  spirit  of  his  nationality  was  jealous  and  provin- 
cial. The  one  was  united  by  the  common  aim  of  plunder 
or  dominion;  the  other,  though  often  distracted  by  the  mul- 
titude of  his  personal  feuds,  and  seemingly  unmindful  that 
his  political  obligations  extended  bejond  the  bounds  of  his 
own  principality,  never  for  a moment  forgot  that  he  was 
one  with  the  rest  of  Ireland,  in  similarity  of  race,  and  in 
the  duty  of  allegiance  to  the  Ardregh  or  supreme  monarch 
of  the  country. 

Such  were  the  two  parties  whose  rivalry  early  began  to 
deluge  the  fields  of  Ireland  with  blood,  and  to  sow  a harvest 
of  bitterness  throughout  the  ages.  Centuries  have  passed 
away  since  Strongbow  landed  on  the  coast  of  Wexford — and 
has  the  contest  ceased  ? It  is  even  now  going  on.  Disguised 
under  the  forms  and  feelings  of  the  age,  the  same  dispute 
between  Celt  and  Norman  has  been  continually  reappear- 
ing. There  is  still  an  Irish  and  an  English  party  in  Ire- 
land: an  Irish  party  whose  national  and  ruling  ideas  are 
Ireland;  an  English  party,  such  as  that  party  has  always 
been  in  Ireland,  which  cares  nothing  for  Ireland  and  little 
for  England,  except  so  far  as  she  may  assist  them  in  main- 
taining a position  of  social  and  political  ascendancy 

Origin  of  the  Land  Question. 

Strongbow  was  followed  in  1171  by  Henry  II.,  who 
arrived  with  the  ostensible  object  of  introducing  “ Civili- 
tie  among  the  Irish,  that  is,  of  substituting  English  for 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS, 


15 


Irish  customs,  and  of  reforming  the  morals  and  manners 
of  the  people,  which  were  alleged  to  be  in  a very  deplora- 
ble condition.  His  method  of  doing  so  was  princely  in 
the  extreme.  With  a view,  it  may  be  presumed,  of  re- 
moving from  them  the  inducements  to  sin  which  the  pos- 
session of  property  supplies,  he  made  a sweeping  confis- 
cation of  their  lands  and  goods,  and  generously  bestowed 
them  on  his  followers.  Both  people  and  chiefs  very  wick- 
edly objected  to  be  converted  in  this  manner;  and  for 
400  years  the  sword  of  the  English  evangelizer  was  un- 
sparingly used  to  convince  them  of  the  error  of  their  ways 
in  refusing  to  accept  uncomplainingly  the  condition  of  holy 
poverty  which  he  sought  to  impose.  What  the  sword  had 
left  undone  was  completed  by  the  chicanery  and  legal 
scheming  of  James  I.,  and  his  son  Charles.  Under  the 
pretence  of  investigating  titles,  these  royal  freebooters  con- 
fiscated nearly  all  the  land  that  remained  in  the  hands  of 
the  original  inhabitants,  and  even  robbed  the  descendants 
of  many  of  the  early  English  robbers  as  well.  The  old 
Irish  law  of  popular  proprietorship  in  land  was  abolished, 
feudal  tenures  were  introduced  instead,  and  the  land  which 
had  belonged  to  the  whole  people  was  legally  handed  over 
to  a small  number  of  persons  since  known  as  “ landlords,’^ 
with  power  to  impose  any  tax  or  other  obligation  upon 
those  who  occupied  it  they  chose,  to  dispossess  whom  and 
whenever  they  pleased,  and  to  turn  the  whole  island  into 
a deer  park  or  a desert  should  it  so  suit  their  sovereign 
pleasure.  This  is  landlordism,  and  the  principle  involved  in 
the  Land  Question  practically  aims  at  nothing  more  than 
a return  to  the  equitable  system  which  preceded  the  usurpa- 
tion of  feudalism  when  the  land  was  held  for  the  good  of 
all,  not  for  the  gratification  of  a few. 

A New  Trouble. 

The  Reformation  introduced  another  element  of  dis- 
turbance into  Ireland.  The  English  had  easily  adopted 


16 


THE  SrOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


the  new  religion,  while  the  Irish  remained  faithful  to  the 
old;  so  that  if  there  was  an  excuse  for  robbing  them  before 
there  was  good  reason  for  exterminating  them  now.  Beaten 
in  the  field,  the  spirit  of  Irish  nationality  made  its  camp  in 
the  church  of  the  people,  the  old  religion  of  the  country. 
Under  this  guardian  it  rallied  and  appeared  before  the 
enemy  in  greater  force  than  ever.  Up  till  this  time  the 
Irish  party  had  carried  on  the  contest  in  an  irregular 
guerilla-like  manner,  without  union  and  almost  without  a 
common  principle  of  action.  The  sphere  of  the  war  had 
widened:  it  was  now  for  religion  as  well  as  country,  for  the 
altar  as  well  as  for  the  fireside.  Similarity  of  religion  was 
a new  and  more  obtrusive  bond  of  brotherhood  to  the  de- 
fenders of  Irish  liberty.  It  drew  a sharp  and  definite  line 
between  them  and  the  opposing  party.  It  enabled  them  to 
see  their  true  position  and  danger  as  Irishmen;  it  gave  them 
wider  and  nobler  aims,  and  infused  the  spirit  of  a more 
generous  patriotism  into  their  sentiments  by  the  dissipation 
of  provincial  jealousies.  The  Church  sheltered  the  ark  of 
the  people’s  hopes,  and  became  itself  a portion  of  the 
National  Guard  of  Ireland.  But  the  struggle  was  in  no  way 
a distinctively  religious  one.  Dear  amid  all  the  difficulties 
of  his  church  and  above  all,  arose  the  love  of  country.  The 
cause  of  Ireland  and  Catholicism  became  one  in  the  people's 
hearts,  as  they  were  or  seemed  to  be  one  in  fact.  The  suf- 
ferings of  his  church  met  the  Irish  patriot  at  the  very 
threshold,  but  the  great  dream  of  an  Irish  nationality  lay 
over  and  beyond  the  circle  of  his  religious  sympathies.  This 
is  true  of  every  Irish  insurrection,  even  of  those  considered 
most  remarkable  for  cruelty  and  religious  fury.  The  re- 
bellion of  1641,  so  unfavorably  known  as  the  “Great  Po- 
pish Massacre,”  was  no  more  a massacre,  no  more  sectarian, 
than  might  be  the  insurrection  of  any  people  who  saw  them- 
selves deprived  of  their  property  and  their  liberty  by  men 
who  were  aliens  in  blood  as  well  as  in  religion.  Yet  we 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS, 


17 


have  historians  who  cannot  think  of  it  as  anything  else  than 
as  the  “ Popish  Massacre/’  and  controversialists  who  dwell 
upon  the  details  of  its  horrors  and  its  madness  with  a kind 
of  epicurean  delight,  because  they  believe  they  can  extract 
from  them  arguments  to  prove  the  depravity  of  papists  in 
general  and  of  the  Irish  papist  in  particular. 

Cromwell. 

From  the  chicanery  of  Charles  to  the  cruelties  of  Crom- 
well is  but  a step.  Butcher  and  savage  though  he  was, 
Cromwell  was  in  one  respect  more  honest  than  any  of  his 
predecessors  in  crime.  The  object  of  all  was  to  rob,  and 
for  that  purpose,  if  necessary,  to  slay,  but  none  of  them 
had  the  honest}^’  to  confess  it.  Henry  II.  came  under  an 
assumed  authority  to  promote  good  manners  and  reform 
religion,  and  began  by  parcelling  out  the  Irishman’s 
property  among  his  favorites  without  ceremony;  others 
came  with  similarly  beneficent  objects,  but  all  ended 
by  doing  the  same  thing.  Cromwell,  however,  made  no 
secret  of  his  intentions.  “ The  earth,”  said  he  and  his  fol- 
lowers, “ is  the  inheritance  of  the  saints;  resolved,”  said  he 
and  his  followers,  “ that  we  are  the  saints.”  In  pursuance 
of  the  spirit  of  this  resolution  he  proceeded  to  kill  as  many 
Irishmen  as  he  could,  believing  that  in  every  Irishman  he 
killed  he  killed  an  idolater,  and  thereby  extended  the 
“Lord’s  kingdom”  by  making  room  for  another  saint. 
The  Irish  to  him  were  no  better  than  the  Canaanites  of  old 
were  to  the  Israelites,  and  he  had  as  little  difficulty  in  find- 
ing a divine  warrant  for  any  disposal  of  them  he  might  wish 
to  make,  as  Mahomet  had  in  getting  a revelation  for  any 
new  doctrine  he  wished  to  promulgate  or  any  act  he  wanted 
to  commit. 

The  contest  between  James  II.,  and  his  son-in-law  Wil- 
liam of  Orange  was  transferred  to  Ireland.  The  Irish  es- 
poused the  cause  of  the  former^  and  fell,  though  not  until 
2 


18 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


their  king  had  fallen  before  them.  The  victory  of  William 
seemed  to  have  extinguished  the  last  embers  of  nationality 
in  Ireland.  The  Celt  was  at  last  crushed,  and  helpless  and 
without  hope  he  lay  at  the  feet  of  his  successful  rival.  With 
the  impulsiveness  of  his  nature  he  had  staked  his  all  in  the 
service  of  a prince  whom  he  regarded  with  himself  as  the 
victim  of  English  cruelty,  and  who,  he  believed,  was  destined 
to  become  the  Messiah  of  a new  era  to  his  unfortunate 
country.  The  game  was  fatal,  but  the  bitterness  of  defeat 
was  nothing  to  the  galling  consciousness  that  he  had  spent 
his  enthusiasm  in  the  cause  of  a coward  and  a deceiver. 
Out  of  its  misery  and  desolation  the  nation  had  sprung  at 
the  first  beck  of  its  sovereign,  and  the  voice  of  old  hopes 
had  blended  with  that  of  loyalty  in  their  response  to  the 
call  of  ^‘Seamus  Righ  agus  Eire,*’  of  king  “James  and 
Ireland  ! ” The  people  had  made  an  idol  and  had  wor- 
shipped it  with  blindness  and  devotion,  but  it  tumbled, 
Dagon-like,  in  all  its  clumsiness  and  imbecility,  while  the 
temple  which  it  was  supposed  to  sanctify  stood  brave  and 
entire.  But  fortune  seems  to  have  made  James  a king  that 
she  might  show  his  contempt  for  royalty;  no  cause  could 
have  withstood  a vanity  so  stupid  and  obstinate  as  his;  he 
lost  the  affection  as  well  as  the  respect  of  his  subjects,  and 
he  lives  till  this  day  in  the  traditions  of  the  Irish  people  by 
the  most  contemptuous  of  epithets. 

The  Penal  Period. 

The  last  stand  which  the  Irish  made  for  James  was  at 
Limerick.  By  the  articles  of  a treaty  signed  upon  the 
capitulation  of  the  city,  the  Irish  were  guaranteed  full  en- 
joyment of  their  civil  and  religious  rights,  and  the  soldiers 
of  the  Irish  army  were  allowed  to  make  their  choice  between 
the  service  of  England  and  that  of  any  foreign  power.  Most 
of  them  entered  the  armies  of  France,  and  formed  under 
Sarsfield  the  nucleus  of  what  afterwards  became  the  famous 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 


19 


Irish  Brigade.  The  Irish  army  had  hardly  disbanded  when 
the  treaty  was  openly  and  even  exultingly  broken.  England 
keeps  no  faith  with  a disarmed  foe.  The  period  which  fol- 
lowed was  a bleak  and  miserable  one  for  Ireland,  Hope — 
the  hope  of  assistance  somehow  or  other  from  those  who  had 
gone  from  them  to  fight  the  battles  of  others  in  foreign  fields 
— flickered  for  a while,  then  died  out  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  and  the  iron  of  the  persecutor  entered  into  their 
very  souls.  No  merciful  recording  angel  will  ever  be  able 
to  blot  that  bleak  chapter  in  the  history  of  English  tyranny 
from  the  memory  or  character  of  the  Irish  people.  It  has 
transmitted  impressions  which  live  and  will  continue  to  live 
to  poison  the  path  of  the  nation’s  progress  for  centuries, 
perhaps  forever.  The  people  had  fought  for  their  sovereign, 
and  they  were  rewarded  with  calumny  and  confiscation; 
they  were  faithful  to  their  religion,  and  they  found  persecu- 
tion. Darkness  and  mourning  had  indeed  overspread  the 
land.  The  whole  island  was  turned  into  one  vast  prison, 
where  the  ancient  population  of  the  country,  hopeless  and 
worn  out  by  the  struggle  of  ages,  were  fettered  and  confined 
at  will  by  the  “ most  infamous  penal  code  ever  framed  by 
the  perverted  ingenuity  of  man.”  They  suffered  in  peace, 
almost  without  a murmur,  these  fiery  Celts,  whose  fathers 
had  stood  on  the  walls  of  Limerick,  and  whose  brothers  and 
sons  had  crowned  so  many  of  the  battle-fields  of  Europe 
with  glory  ! What  hope  was  there  in  Ireland?  Was  she 
not  scarred  with  the  marks  of  a thousand  battles  ? Was  not 
ruin  written  upon  her  very  forehead  ? But  beneath  all  the 
silence  and  sullen  inactivity  of  those  years,  and  heaving  at 
times  under  the  lethargy  that  lay  upon  the  nation’s  spirit, 
grew  greater  and  more  great  the  huge  undercurrent  of  hatred 
against  the  English  name.  This  was  the  time  when  the 
people,  weighed  down  and  weakened  by  oppressive  laws, 
yet  still  preserving  the  feeble  memory  of  what  they  had 
been,  but  without  the  power  to  make  any  united  effort  in 


20 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


the  National  cause,  began  to  imitate  the  confusion  of  the 
far-away  past  and  to  split  into  small  parties,  without  re- 
spectability or  influence,  with  vague  hopes  of  freedom,  but 
with  aims  almost  local  or  personal,  with  no  systematic 
course  of  action,  with  no  organization.  They  were  the 
debris  of  the  ruin  which  had  been  consummated  by  the  great 
wars  of  William.  Ireland  was  in  her  dotage.  Her  history 
seemed  about  to  close  forever  in  feebleness  and  ignominy; 
terror  sat  upon  the  seat  of  government,  and  on  each  side 
stood  avarice  and  religious  bigotry,  inflamed  with  all  the 
selfishness  and  all  the  cruelty  of  a timid  and  a selfish  old 
age.  And  the  people — they  lay  beneath,  hurled  as  it  were 
from  a precipice,  and  hardly  conscious  of  anything  beyond 
the  fierce  agony  which  they  endured. 

England’s  Sinister  Policy. 

The  policy  which  directed  the  government  of  Ireland  was 
pre-eminently  a party  and  selfish  one.  It  was  the  object  of 
England  to  prevent  the  growth  of  any  feeling  of  sympathy 
or  interest  between  the  rulers  and  those  they  ruled.  With 
this  view  she  centered  all  power  in  the  hands  of  a party,  and 
paid  them  liberally  out  of  Irish  revenues  for  using  it  in  the 
English  interest.  She  endowed  their  church,  she  gave  them 
whatever  power  she  did  not  keep  to  herself,  she  ignored  the 
existence  of  four-fifths  of  the  population  on  their  account, 
for  while  the  penal  laws  were  in  full  force  the  Irish 
“ Papist  ” had  technically  no  legal  existence  in  Ireland.  She 
did  not  so  much  give  them  any  real  power  to  amuse  them 
with  a show  of  it,  by  making  them  a kind  of  overseers  who 
might  exercise  their  authority  in  whatever  way  they  pleased 
over  the  people,  provided  they  kept  them  insignificant,  and 
remained  themselves  subservient.  By  using  the  Irish 
government  as  the  paltry  agent  of  her  tyranny,  England 
cunningly  drew  upon  it  much  of  the  odium  which  properly 
belonged  to  herself,  and  effectually  prevented  any  union 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS, 


21 


from  arising  between  government  and  people,  while  she 
perpetuated  religious  jealousies  by  continuing  a monopoly 
of  privilege  in  the  hands  of  one  religious  party.  Thus  Ire- 
land still  continued  to  suffer,  and  from  neither  of  the  two 
great  parties  in  the  country  could  anything  be  hoped;  for 
the  one,  the  remains  of  the  old  Celtic  and  Irish  party,  she 
kept  weak;  the  other,  the  English  party,  the  result  of  suc- 
cessive invasions,  she  kept  contemptible. 

How  Grattan’s  Parliament  Arose. 

The  great  difficulty  connected  with  this  kind  of  policy 
was  to  prevent  the  party  to  whom  the  management  of  the 
country  had  been  entrusted  from  becoming  its  masters. 
The  Irish  protestant  was  already  the  jailer  of  the  prison; 
why  should  he  not  become  owner  and  governor  of  it  ? 
However  restrained  by  feelings  of  affection  or  prudence, 
there  is  a period  in  the  history  of  colonies,  as  in  that  of  man, 
when  they  desire  to  be  free,  if  only  to  test  their  capacity  for 
independent  action,  and  to  gratify  their  vanity  by  a sense 
of  irresponsibility  to  any  other  power.  England  foresaw 
the  operation  of  this  natural  law  among  her  colonists  in 
Ireland,  and  had  endeavored  by  the  aid  of  social  and  re- 
ligious divisions,  and  by  the  grossest  political  bribery,  to 
perpetuate  their  servility.  But  though  her  efforts  were 
sufficient  to  prevent  any  union  between  the  old  population 
and  the  new,  between  the  Catholic  and  the  Protestant,  she 
could  neither  restrain  altogether  the  progress  of  thought  in 
the  mind  of  the  latter,  nor  prudently  limit  the  pride  of  her 
own  paramount  dominion.  The  Irish  Protestant  began  by 
degrees  to  think  of  independence,  but  the  independence 
which  he  learned  to  aim  at  was  of  a narrow  and  exclusive 
kind.  He  thought  little  of  his  Catholic  fellow-countryman, 
or  if  he  did  it  was  only  as  one  thinks  of  the  beggar  who 
sits  in  poverty  and  rags  at  his  gate,  and  who  should 
always  be  grateful  no  matter  what  he  gets.  He  had 


22 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


lived  long  enough  in  the  country  not  to  have  any  fear  of 
him;  he  had  known  him  only  as  a serf,  and  he  valued  him 
as  such.  He  was  not  fit  to  put  on  the  wedding-garment,  or 
sit  down  at  the  solemn  festival  of  the  marriage  of  liberty 
and  Ireland.  The  mind  of  the  Irish  Protestant  had,  indeed, 
been  abused  by  an  education  the  most  bigoted  and  secta- 
rian; but  his  prejudices  had  lost  much  of  their  asperity 
through  intercourse  with  the  proscribed  sect,  and  his  sym- 
pathies were  insensibly  becoming  those  of  an  Irishman. 
He  had  yet,  indeed,  to  learn  that  liberty  is  no  respecter  of 
creeds  or  persons,  but  he  had  begun  to  feel  the  ignominy 
of  national  submission  in  his  own  case,  and  he  remembered 
the  maxims  which  had  guided  the  English  Revolution  of 
1688,  and  had  begun  to  consider  their  applicability  to  Ire- 
land. Thus,  at  a time  when  England  seemed  most  secure 
of  her  conquest,  and  after  a series  of  misfortunes  and 
miseries  which  seemed  to  have  destroyed  the  hopes  of  Ire- 
land forever,  among  the  descendants  of  those  very  men  who 
had  aided  in  the  destruction  of  her  ancient  rights,  and  who, 
England  hoped,  would  keep  extinguished  forever  every 
spark  of  freedom  in  the  country's  heart,  arose  a spirit  of  in- 
dependence which  inaugurated  a new  and  more  glorious  era 
in  the  history  of  Irish  liberty.  The  Protestants  of  Ireland 
had,  indeed,  been  for  a time  sufficiently  subservient  to  the 
interests  of  England.  They  had  injured  themselves,  and 
destroyed  a prosperous  trade*  to  satisfy  her  vanity  and 
avarice.  But  English  haughtiness  presumed  too  far. 
Those  who  had  been  commissioned  to  strangle  the  hopes  of 
Ireland  by  a glorious  treachery  became  their  nurse,  and 


* The  woolen  trade.  The  Irish  woolen  trade  had  attained  to  such  di- 
mensions in  the  reign  of  William  III.  that  it  excited  the  jealousy  of  Eng- 
lish manufacturers,  who  petitioned  the  King  for  its  suppression.  The 
King  graciously  replied  that  he  would  “ do  all  in  his  power  to  discourage 
the  woolen  trade  of  Ireland,”  and  the  partisan  parliament  in  Dublin 
meanly  assisted  him  in  doing  so  by  legislating  against  it. 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 


23 


the  jingle  of  Wood’s  halfpence*  grew  into  the  tocsin  which 
sounded  the  triumph  of  the  volunteers  and  the  establish- 
ment of  Irish  independence. 

The  Era  of  Freedom. 

In  the  year  1782  the  independence  of  the  Irish  parlia- 
ment was  declared.  The  movement  which  ended  in  this 
result  began  with  Swift,  the  disappointed  and  satirical 
churchman,  and  terminated  in  the  success  which  made  the 
crowning  glory  in  the  life  of  the  patriot-orator,  Grattan. 
The  success  was  a great  and  honorable  one,  but  it  was  in- 
complete. It  was  the  success  more  of  a party  than  of  the 
nation.  The  historian  is  accustomed  to  regard  this  as  the 
most  brilliant  period  in  the  Irish  annals,  and  the  Protestant 
Irishman  may  well  look  back  to  it  with  pardonable  pride 
and  triumph.  But  while  it  signalized  the  energy  and  free 
spirit  of  the  race  and‘  religion  he  belonged  to,  it  was  want- 
ing in  that  breadth  of  liberality  and  love  which,  in  the 
furtherance  of  objects  that  concern  the  public  welfare, 
generously  overlooks  the  distinction  of  class  and  creed. 
Many  of  those  who  were  most  active  in  the  establishment 
of  Irish  independence  were  violent  opponents  of  the  Catholic 
claims  to  equality  of  citizenship.  The  great  mass  of  the 
people  were  still  little  more  than  serfs.  They  had  no  share 
in  the  redemption  of  the  country  which  they  loved,  but  the 
joyous  paean  of  their  countrymen  reached  them  in  the  gloom 
of  their  captivity,  and  they  felt  the  light  of  the  new  day 


* Wood’s  halfpence  were  a spurious  coinage  issued  by  one  Wm. 
Wood,  of  Dublin,  who  had  received  a patent  through  the  influence  of 
one  of  the  King’s  mistresses  for  the  issuing  of  a certain  amount  of  cop- 
per currency  for  Ireland.  The  material  used  in  them  was  so  base,  and 
the  fraud  so  transparent,  that  it  drew  forth  the  indignant  satire  of  Swift 
in  the  celebrated  “ Drapier’s  Letters,”  in  which  he  also  took  the  oppor- 
tunity of  exposing  the  abuses  of  government  generally  and  the  evils  of 
English  interference  in  Irish  affairs. 


24 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


streaming  along  the  walls  of  their  prison.  The  time  had 
not  yet  come  when  the  hearts  of  their  countrymen,  if  not 
the  door  of  the  constitution,  should  be  opened  to  them. 
The  nationality  of  the  two  great  religious  sections  of  Irish 
society  was  not  yet  purged  of  the  jealousy  which  the 
peculiarities  of  their  past  history  had  engendered.  To  a 
certain  extent,  the  old  Catholic  native  regarded  the  recent 
patriotism  of  the  Protestants  with  suspicion;  while  the 
Protestant,  in  the  haughtiness  of  his  superior  position  and 
fortune,  had  something  of  contempt  for  the  just  claims  of 
his  weaker  countrymen.  Thus  the  victory  by  which  the 
Irish  parliament  became  independent  was,  in  the  peculiar 
position  of  Ireland,  a victory  more  brilliant  than  solid,  for 
it  still  left  the  government  in  the  hands  of  a bigoted  and 
exclusive  party.  Reform  was  asked  for  in  vain;  the  timid 
trembled  at  the  name  of  innovation,  the  selfish  feared  for 
the  safety  of  their  privileges.  The  loyalty  of  the  Irish 
aristocracy  to  their  country  was  neither  deep-seated  nor 
lasting.  They  did  not  care  for  the  independence  of  Ire- 
land, unless  that  independence  meant  a goverment  by  them- 
selves and  for  their  benefit  and  glory.  With  such  limited 
views  of  policy,  it  was  not  wonderful  that  the  era  of  liberty 
should  soon  change  into  one  of  corruption,  and  that  place 
and  pension  should  soon  become  more  dear  than  duty  and 
Ireland.  Then  began  that  bold  and  wonderful  Conspiracy 
which,  overleaping  the  feeble  barriers  of  aristocratic  and 
sectarian  logic,  and  wearied  with  the  failure  of  more  moder- 
ate measures,  sought  to  rescue  freedom  from  the  dangers 
which  surrounded  her  by  a union  of  Irishmen  and  the  es- 
tablishment of  a Republic.  Such  was  the  Revolutionary 
Society  of  ’98.  It  began  with  the  Presbyterians  of  the 
North,  and  in  their  earnestness  and  energy  acquired  a force 
which  soon  extended  it  to  all  classes  and  creeds  in  Ireland. 
Unlike  the  great  movement  of  1782,  it  was  essentially  popu- 
lar and  unsectarian.  It  was  the  first  great  society  since  the 


IRELAND'^S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS.  25 

conquest  of  William  which  freely  advocated  the  uni6n  of 
all  classes  and  creeds  in  the  country,  and  knew  no  higher 
or  more  honorable  name  for  a native  of  Ireland  than  the 
name  of  Irishman;  and  in  the  union  which  it  taught,  it 
proclaimed  for  the  first  time  in  Ireland,  with  honesty  and 
success,  the  great  doctrines  of  religious  liberty  and  the  civil 
equality  of  man. 

The  Rising  of  '98. 

The  struggle  again  began,  no  longer  a struggle  between 
Celt  and  Norman,  or  between  Protestant  and  Catholic,  but 
one  in  which,  with  enlarged  ideas  of  freedom  and  a more 
formidable  union  of  sentiment  than  her  history  had  ever 
shown  before,  Ireland  confronted  face  to  face  the  corrup- 
tions of  English  and  oligarchic  rule.  Liberty  had  called 
to  the  world  from  Republican  America,  and  startled  into 
life  by  her  example,  from  revolutionary  France,  and  old 
thrones  had  trembled  and  grown  pale  with  a feeling  of 
coming  danger.  The  triumph  of  the  thirteen  colonies  and 
of  the  French  Republic  had  given  a new  idea  of  the 
people’s  power,  and  the  glory  of  a new  era  seemed  to 
have  dawned  upon  the  hopes  of  mankind,  so  blurred  and 
trampled  on  by  the  selfishness  and  cruelty  of  aristocratic 
tyranny.  Men  ceased  to  calculate  in  the  ordinary  way, 
and  reason  for  a time  seemed  dazzled  by  the  brilliant 
illusiofts  of  the  imagination.  To  the  fervent  eye  of  hope 
all  the  golden  and  glowing  dreams  of  philosophy  and 
poesy  seemed  about  to  be  realized.  Reason,  relieved 
from  the  follies  of  superstition,  was  about  to  establish  a 
serene  and  universal  supremacy,  and  liberty,  freed  from 
the  dungeons  of  centuries,  had  entered  on  a mission  of 
brotherhood  and  love  to  all  nations.  Ever  alive  to  the 
feeblest  pulse  of  hope,  and  with  an  aspen-like  sensibility 
ready  to  be  stirred  by  every  breath  of  freedom,  Ireland, 
gathering  new  life  from  the  Republican  idea,  and  from  the 


26 


THE  STOR  Y OF  /RE LANE. 


popular  triumph  in  France,  perceived  in  her  government 
all  the  corruptions  and  mockeries  of  justice  symbolized  by 
the  court  of  France  and  the  Bastille;  and  seeing  in  her 
connection  with  England  a constant  source  of  intrigue,  which 
must  in  the  end  overthrow  her  ill-matured  independence, 
girded  herself  for  a new  effort  to  break  the  last  links  of  the 
chain  which  retarded  her  destiny.  It  was  an  effort  in  which 
were  united  the  hopes  of  six  centuries,  enlarged  and  ele- 
vated by  a theory  of  liberty  universal  in  its  sympathies  and 
adaptability,  and  which,  while  inspired  by  the  ardent  faith 
of  a religion-loving  people,  was  yet  free  from  the  narrow- 
ness of  religious  or  political  prejudice.  The  contest  of 
England  was  no  longer  with  the  “mere  Irish.’'  It  was 
with  the  new  Irish  nation, — no  longer  Celtic,  but  composed 
of  many  different  races,  some  of  them  planted  on  Irish  soil 
by  England  herself,  linked  by  the  sentiment  of  nationality, 
and  by  a reverence  for  Republican  freedom. 

It  was  the  old  fight  renewed — the  old  idea  in  the  robes  of 
a youth  more  glorious  than  ever — the  idea  which  through- 
out the  pangs  of  her  long  slavery  had  never  abandoned 
Ireland,  the  idea  of  independence,  the  crowning  jewel  in 
the  treasury  of  the  nation’s  hopes,  the  idea  which  had 
marshalled  the  Brigade  at  Fontenoy,  and  was  nursed  like  a 
beloved  child  in  the  hearts  of  so  many  exiles  in  distant 
lands;  and  foremost  and  most  fearless  among  the  revolu- 
tionists were  the  people  of  the  North,  the  descendants  of 
the  planters  of  James  I.,  who,  burning  with  a new  and  sacred 
love,  and  eager  as  if  to  expiate  the  wrongs  which  their  an- 
cestors had  inflicted,  rushed  Curtius-like  into  every  danger 
which  seemed  to  cover  a hope  of  salvation  to  Ireland.  Who 
can  tell  how  many  kind  hearts  were  broken,  how  many  brave 
lives  were  lost,  in  the  fearful  Saturnalia  carried  on  in  those 
days  under  the  joint  presidency  of  the  hangman  and  the 
informer?  Many  graveyards  have  been  filled  since  then, 
but  the  memory  of  the  ruined  homestead,  the  brutal  yeo- 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 


27 


man,  the  hireling  jury,  the  perjured  witness  has  not  passed 
away.  The  memory,  did  I say  ? The  very  fact  has  not ! We 
have  still  the  price  paid  for  blood,  we  have  still  the  manipu- 
lated jury,  we  have  still  the  ruined  homestead — all  carried 
on  and  completed  in  the  name  of  English  law  and  under 
the  sanction  of  English  government.  ' 

The  Union. 

Pass  we  over  the  attempt  too  long  delayed  which  ended 
in  the  defeat  and  melancholy  tragedies  of  '98.  Another 
day  was  lost  for  Ireland,  and  all  the  brutalities  and  ingenui- 
ties of  tyranny  were  employed  to  crush  the  conquered  nation 
forever.  The  prisons  were  full,  and  the  gibbet  became  a 
plaything  to  the  “loyal’’  supporters  0/  “ law  and  order.” 
No  voice  was  heard  on  behalf  of  the  prostrate  people.  A 
still  more  fatal  blow  was  determined  on — a blow  which  it 
was  fondly  dreamed  would  forever  secure  the  dominion  of 
England  and  the  impotency  of  Ireland.  The  Parliament  of 
Dublin — the  parliament  merely  of  a party,  yet  still  nominally 
independent  of  English  control,  and  dangerous  as  keeping 
alive  the  idea  of  national  independence,  and  as  liable  one 
day  to  interfere  with  English  designs  and  the  growth  of 
English  greatness — was  the  only  obstacle  to  the  long-coveted 
supremacy.  The  idea  of  the  English  minister  was  not  quite 
recent.  He  had  trouble  with  the  Irish  parliament  on  one 
occasion,  which  he  never  forgot,  when  the  Irish  parlia- 
ment ventured  to  differ  with  him  on  the  question  of  ap- 
pointing a regent,  during  one  of  the  crazy  attacks  of  the 
periodically  crazy  George  III.  The  time  had  now  arrived 
for  the  consummation  of  his  purpose.  Ireland  was  again 
at  the  feet  of  her  conqueror.  Her  noblest  effort  had  failed, 
and  the  curse  of  failure  had  sunk  in  a load  of  feebleness 
and  terror  on  her  soul.  It  is  now  well  known  from  the 
memoirs  of  the  infamous  Castlereagh,  that  the  rebellion, 
which  was  no  part  of  the  original  programme  of  the  United 


28 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


Irishmen,  but  whose  object  was  simply  to  obtain  reform  by 
constitutional  methods,  was  nursed  into  disastrous  maturity 
by  English  gold  and  English  cruelty  in  order  to  render  more 
easy  the  accomplishment  of  the  abominable  design  of  the 
Union.  Such  was  the  project  of  the  English  minister  called. 
And  now  in  the  despair  and  agony  of  the  nation,  when  fear 
had  unsettled  men’s  minds  and  honor  and  public  principle 
reeled  amid  the  confusion  of  the  times,  the  English  minister 
came  with  his  titles  and  his  money,  and  with  his  delusive 
promises  of  peace,  and  those  who  sat  in  Ireland’s  Senate- 
house,  the  trustees  of  the  nation’s  rights,  forgot  that  they 
were  Irishmen,  forgot  that  they  were  men,  and  the  Union 
was  carried. 

The  Union  was  carried — that  is,  the  annihilation  of  Ire- 
land as  an  independent  nation  was  complete.  It  was  a 
forced  marriage  of  the  weak  with  the  strong,  of  the  shiver- 
ing captive  with  the  betrayer,  who  reckons  the  wealth  and 
the  years  of  his  victim  while  standing  before  the  very  altar. 
The  two  countries  were  now  one,  and  England  was  that 
one.  Irishmen  were  no  longer  Irishmen,  they  were  West 
Britons,  and  Ireland  was  only  a word  of  two  English 
syllables. 

Such  was  the  Union.  But  Ireland  was  not  annihilated. 
Her  name  had  not  become  an  unmeaning  word  in  the  mouths 
of  her  children.  They  refused  the  Englishman’s  name  and 
the  sound  of  West  Briton  was  a loathing  to  them.  The 
Union  was  no  Union.  It  sounded  as  a declaration  of  war 
in  the  ears  of  every  honest  man.  It  sounded  to  Irishmen 
as  the  synonym  of  English  treachery,  English  fraud,  and 
Irish  degradation.  No  honest  man  but  blushed  at  the  men- 
tion of  it,  for  it  told  no  less  plainly  the  triumph  of  English 
knavery  than  the  corruption  of  Irish  hearts.  Ireland  had 
])een  beaten  into  insensibility,  and  dragged  into  slavish  and 
ignominious  alliance  with  a tyrant  while  Irishmen  stood  by. 
She  had  been  cajoled  and  terrified  by  turns,  and  those  to 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 


29 


whom  she  had  entrusted  the  protection  of  her  liberty  and 
honor  had  handed  her  over  a sacrifice  to  the  lust  of  the 
despoiler.  But  the  hearts  of  the  people  beat  true,  and  in 
that  moment  of  horror  the  fire  of  indignant  shame  burned 
fiercely  in  the  breasts  of  millions,  and  broke  forth  in  vehe- 
ment vows  of  vengeance  for  an  insult  so  atrocious  and  so 
deadly, 

England's  Mistake. 

England  had  overreached  herself.  Unscrupulously  she 
had  conquered  Ireland,  but  obstinately  ignorant  of  Irish- 
men and  of  human  nature,  she  thought  she  had  chained  the 
soul  by  an  artificial  contract;  she  thought  she  could  pre- 
serve a vulgar  superiority  obtained  by  brutality  and  fraud. 
England  miserably  failed.  The  day  on  which  the  Union 
was  signed,  planted  an  impassable  barrier  between  the  two 
countries.  It  armed  every  true  son  of  Ireland  against  her 
in  vindication  of  his  people's  honesty  and  of  his  people's 
dignity.  They  never  consented  to  a contract  so  suicidal 
and  so  degrading.  They  never  consented  to  the  abnegation 
of  national  honor  and  national  life.  Irishmen  might  have 
been  England's  allies,  but  it  was  not  in  them  to  become  her 
willing  slaves,  however  bedizened  by  the  lacquery  of 
“imperial"  tinsel.  They  could  not  perceive  the  honor. 
Their  common  sense  may  be  blind  enough,  but  they  know 
what  is  due  to  their  own  dignity,  the  world's  sense  of  de- 
cency, and  to  their  affections.  It  is  no  exaggeration  of  the 
feelings  of  the  time  to  say,  that  the  flag  which  England 
planted  upon  their  country's  ruins  seemed  red  with  the 
blood  of  Ireland,  and  carried  in  its  gaudy  folds  the  blushes 
of  her  children's  dishonor.  The  ruin  seemed  almost  ir- 
remediable, but  the  people  clung  to  it  as  the  impassioned 
Israelite  clings  to  the  fragment  of  the  ancient  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  and  it  grew  beautiful  in  their  love  and  devoted- 
ness. Out  of  their  affections  Hope,  wearing  the  smiles  of 


30 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


Heaven,  rose  like  a lovely  vision,  and  a faith  fervent  and 
religious,  in  the  holiness  of  the  patriot’s  cause  and  in  the 
justice  of  God.  Three  years  since  the  Union  had  scarce 
elapsed  when,  by  a new  sacrifice,  the  people  of  Ireland  re- 
corded their  fidelity  to  their  ancient  principles.  The  young 
and  heroic  Emmet,  the  brave- hearted,  the  tender,  the  pure 
of  soul,  gladly  gave  up  his  life,  and  ascended  to  tell  in 
Heaven  the  tale  of  Ireland’s  constancy  and  wrongs.  And 
since  then  how  many  years  have  passed,  and  what  is  the 
case  to-day  ? Has  no  blood  been  shed,  have  no  prisons 
been  filled,  have  no  exiles  crossed  the  seas  ? 

After  the  Union. 

Ireland  was  now  totally  disarmed  and  more  helpless  than 
ever.  The  measure  of  her  ruin  seemed  complete.  The  men 
of  property  who  could  afford  to  do  so  abandoned  her  to 
her  fate;  the  mansions  of  her  capital  city,  once  the  abodes 
of  statesmen  and  legislators,  were  turned  into  barracks  or 
tenement  houses,  and  such  manufactures  as  had  survived 
the  persecutions  of  the  past  languished  and  died  away. 
Burden  after  burden  was  imposed  upon  her,  periodic  famines 
grew  into  a national  institution,  and  the  passage  of  a new 
coercion  act  for  Ireland,  became  one  of  the  leading  features 
in  the  business  of  the  House  of  Commons  every  year.  The 
soil  no  less  than  the  soul  of  the  country  seemed  blighted. 
But  the  soil  was  as  fertile  as  ever,  and  the  blight  consisted 
only  in  the  ever-increasing  drain  by  which  Ireland  was  being 
bled  to  death,  that  she  might  support  her  absentee  lords  in 
Ijondon.  The  blight  was  upon  the  spirit  of  the  people,  not 
the  soil.  Men  who  before  the  Union  had  been  noted  for 
public  spirit  and  patriotism  became  selfish,  or  servile,  or 
indifferent.  The  Bar  of  Ireland,  that  had  once  been  one  of 
the  most  high-minded  and  patriotic  public  bodies  in  the 
country,  soon  came  to  be  as  notorious  for  its  meanness  and 
lack  of  courage  as  it  had  been  distinguished  for  its  noble- 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 


31 


ness  and  political  intrepidity.  That  Ireland  did  not  alto- 
gether fall  into  a state  of  moral  ruin,  and,  in  the  nerveless 
paralysis  of  the  time,  sink  into  as  deep  a slough  of  national 
debasement  as  her  masters  could  have  wished,  was  due  per- 
haps to  the  spirit  and  action  of  one  man,  Daniel  O'Connell. 
Early  in  the  century  O’Connell  began  to  take  an  active  part 
in  public  life  as  the  leader  of  the  Catholic  association,  which 
had  for  its  object  the  removal  of  the  penal  restrictions  on 
the  liberty  of  Irish  Catholics. 

The  immediate  abolition  of  these  laws  had  been  promised 
to  the  Catholics  previous  to  the  Union  as  a bait  to  procure 
their  adherence  to  that  measure,  but  the  Act  of  Union  once 
passed,  the  English  government  refused  in  the  usual  way  to 
fulfil  its  promise.  O’Connell  and  the  Catholic  Associa- 
tion labored  for  Catholic  emancipation,  and  though  the  relief 
sought  for  was  not  granted  until  1829,  and  then  only  under 
apprehensions  of  a civil  war,  the  daily  discussions  on  the 
subject  had  the  effect  in  a measure  of  sustaining  the  vigor 
of  the  national  spirit,  or,  at  least,  of  preventing  absolute 
national  death.  But  the  quarter  of  a century  which  followed 
the  Union  was,  politically  speaking,  a dreary  and  dismally 
barren  period.  Ireland  was  in  the  condition  of  a man  who 
had  been  stunned  by  a terrific  blow,  and  who,  slowly  recover- 
ing his  senses,  can  but  dimly  realize  for  a time  the  position 
in  which  he  is  situated. 

Famine  and  Flight. 

The  period  between  1829  and  1848  was  occupied  by 
O’Connell  and  his  splendid,  but  fruitless,  effort  for  Repeal 
of  the  Union.  In  the  latter  year  O’Connell  died,  and  in 
the  same  year  occurred  the  emeute  of  the  Young  Irelanders 
under  Smith  O’Brien,  which  ended  in  their  defeat  and  dis- 
persion. In  the  years  ’46  and  ’47  Ireland  was  stricken  down 
by  what,  among  similar  calamities,  is  known  pre-eminently 
as  “the  Famine/’  and  those  Who  had  loved  her  and  had 


32 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


sought  to  help  her  in  her  desolation  were  obliged  to  leave 
her  ‘Mike  a corpse  on  the  dissecting-table.’'  Then  began 
that  tide  of  emigration  which  threatened  at  the  time  to 
depopulate  the  island,  and  which  has  ever  since  been  flow- 
ing in  volume  more  or  less  great  across  the  Atlantic.  An 
offended  Providence,  said  the  sanctimonious  British  press, 
had  interfered  in  behalf  of  England,  and  had  closed  by  a 
terrible  and  well-deserved  visitation  the  history  of  Ireland’s 
profane  and  unholy  struggle  against  England  forever. 
The  burly  Briton  seemed  to  have  good  reason  for  giving 
thanks  to  the  Heaven  whose  special  favorite  he  assumed 
to  be.  Ireland  was  at  the  nadir  of  her  fortunes.  Over- 
come by  disasters  such  as  had  never  darkened  a people’s 
history  before,  what  wonder  if  the  spirit  which  had  braved 
so  many  centuries  of  wrong  wavered  for  a moment  and  its 
immortal  energy  seemed  no  more  immortal ! Loud  were 
the  cries  of  triumph  which  rose  over  the  broken  hopes 
and  followed  in  the  track  of  the  homeless  multitudes  who 
fled  from  before  the  face  of  the  evil  destinies  which  revelled 
in  the  ruin  of  Ireland.  But  in  the  hearts  of  those  who  fled, 
and  cherished  with  the  tenderness  of  the  most  tender  fidelity, 
were  carried,  like  the  sacred  ark  of  Israel,  the  hopes  which 
had  been  the  dearest,  and  almost  the  only  legacy  of  ages. 
“They  are  going,  they  are  going!’’  gleefully  cried  the 
London  press,  “going  with  a vengeance!”  The  savage 
heartlessness  which  gloated  over  the  miseries  of  the  fugi- 
tive Celts  was  premature  in  its  exultations.  The  oracles 
which  proclaimed  the  completed  conquest  lied  once  more. 
The  Ireland  which,  after  a series  of  unparalleled  calamities, 
had  sunk  into  the  silence,  not  of  despair,  but  of  exhaus- 
tion, stands  erect  to-day,  clad  in  the  robes  of  renewed 
and  invigorated  youth,  her  heart  strong  in  the  strength 
of  her  people’s  love,  and  her  eye  radiant  with  the  glory 
which  her  soul  has  drunk  from  the  fair  fountains  of  Western 
liberty. 


IJ^£LANI)^S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS,  33 

Stagnation. 

A period  of  less  than  fifteen  years  followed  during  which 
Ireland  became  the  prey  of  pamphleteers,  politicians,  profli- 
gate lawyers,  and  egotistical  experimentalists  of  all  kinds, 
each  with  his  panacea  for  Irish  ills,  and  each  of  them  add- 
ing fresh  torture  to  the  patient  they  proposed  to  cure.  The 
land  seemed  dead,  fit  at  last  to  be  used  for  any  purpose 
which  England  might  please,  without  rebuke,  remonstrance 
or  objection — the  only  difficulty  in  the  great  British  mind 
was  how  to  make  use  of  it  in  a manner  most  serviceable  to 
British  interests.  But  Ireland  was  not  dead. 

“ Beauty’s  ensign  yet 

Was  crimson  on  her  cheeks  and  on  her  lips, 

And  death’s  pale  flag  had  not  advanced  there.” 

The  fire  of  patriotic  life  was  burning  hidden  and  suppressed 
within  the  hearts  of  her  children,  and  while  quack  politicians 
and  charlatan  philosophers  were  flippantly  discoursing  over 
the  body  of  their  victim,  and  English  hypocrisy  was  gloating 
over  the  supposed  death  of  England’s  rival  and  thanking 
God  for  this  happy  issue  out  of  her  difficulties,  the  mate- 
rials were  preparing  for  a new  outbreak. 

Fenianism. 

Lord  Carlisle,  a man  of  flocks  and  herds,  whose  ambition 
it  was  to  make  Ireland  the  fruitful  mother  of  four-footed 
beasts,  instead  of  the  mother  of  men  and  women,  and  who 
had  ruled  with  much  unction  as  viceroy  in  Dublin  Castle  for 
many  years,  had  just  died.  He  was  one  of  the  most  popu- 
lar of  rulers,  with  a smile  for  every  one,  the  most  optimistic 
of  men,  the  victim  of  an  inveterate  habit  of  endeavoring  to 
deceive  himself  and  the  world  by  drawing  such  pictures  of 
Ireland’s  growing  prosperity  and  happiness  as  would  have 
charmed  the  heart  of  any  political  Salvator  Rosa.  While, 
however,  the  courtiers  were  smiling  in  the  Castle,  the  Irish 
3 


34 


THE  STOR  V OF  IRELAND, 


difficulty  had  grown'  into  a strength  more  formidable  than 
ever,  and  before  the  echo  of  the  prayers  which  had  been 
read  with  such  complacent  sanctimoniousness  over  his  grave 
had  died  away,  the  skies  which  had  shown  no  cloud  were 
rent  with  thunder.  Fenianism,  the  new  Gorgon  whose  terri- 
ble features  were  now  turned  upon  the  rulers  of  Ireland, 
was  but  another  expression  of  the  old  sentiment  of  disaffec- 
tion which  the  misgovernment  of  ages  had  done  its  best  to 
foster.  In  vain,  the  dignity  which  sat  in  high  places  en- 
deavored to  keep  cool.  In  vain,  honorable  and  learned 
gentlemen  looked  their  loftiest  upon  the  plebeian  revolt.  In 
vain,  from  their  seats  of  purple  and  crimson  the  wealthy 
and  noble  chatted  pleasantly  of  the  creatures  whose  pre- 
sumption was  furnishing  another  proof  of  the  irreclaimable- 
ness of  the  Irish  “ lower  orders,”  and  a new  excitement  to 
enliven  the  monotony  of  the  season.  In  vain,  the  dignity 
which  nothing  could  ruffle  was  humiliated- — the  contempt 
which  nothing  could  penetrate  was  made  ridiculous  if  not 
ashamed,  and  the  luxurious  worldliness  of  the  selfish  and 
self-complacent  was  turned  into  terror  and  trepidation.  The 
danger  of  Fenianism  was  confessed.  It  was  confessed  in 
the  efforts  made  to  conceal  its  extent,  in  the  libels  with 
which  it  was  covered,  in  the  unfairness  with  which  it  was 
treated,  in  the  attempts  everywhere  made  by  armed  display 
and  arbitrary  acts  to  overawe  the  people,  in  the  formidable 
pomp  of  special  commissions,  in  the  passionate  zeal  of  the 
supporters  of  “ law  and  order,”  and  in  the  open  avowal  of  a 
few  honest  men.  But,  not  content  with  former  hypocrisies, 
it  was  long  before  England  acknowledged  that  the  con- 
spiracy had  any  seat  in  the  discontent  of  the  Irish  heart,  or 
any  nurse  but  in  the  turbulence  and  ambition  of  the  dis- 
banded soldiers  of  the  American  Republic.  Had  the  hy- 
pocrisy availed  it  would  have  been  kept  up  in  all  its  force. 
r>ut  when  the  voice  of  three  Irishmen,  doomed  by  the  ven- 
geance of  the  law  to  death,  proclaimed  from  the  very  verge 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS. 


35 


of  the  scaffold  their  faith  in  the  cause  of  Ireland’s  indepen- 
dence, and  when  the  prayer  which  their  fortitude  has  made 
immortal  had  gone  forth,  and  from  out  the  surging  sorrow 
of  millions  of  hearts  was  met  by  a sea-like  response,  the 
state  of  Ireland  could  be  no  longer  concealed,  nor  the  wishes 
of  the  Irish  heart  any  longer  misinterpreted.  The  year 
1867  closed  while  the  soul  of  Ireland  was  still  dark  with  the 
gloominess  of  the  Manchester  tragedy.*  Few  were  the  joys, 
yet  not  faint  the  hopes,  which  gathered  round  her  heart  in 
the  Christmas  of  that  baleful  year.  The  dead  who  had  died 
so  nobly  had  not  died  in  vain.  The  strong  prayers  of  a 
nation’s  love  had  borne  them  as  upon  eagle’s  wings  while 
they  went  to  their  death,  and  the  holy  sunshine  of  a nation’s 
hopes  had  gathered  in  a crown  of  glory  over  their  dishonored 
graves.  While  the  spirit  which  they  exhibited  remained  to 
her  children,  why  should  Ireland  feel  ashamed  ? With  the 
fortitude  which  supported  them  to  aid  her,  why  should  she 
be  without  hope  to  face  the  taunts  or  tyranny  of  her  enemies  ? 

The  state  of  Ireland  could  be  no  longer  bolstered  by 
political  trickery,  nor  could  the  world  be  any  longer  deceived 
by  the  fraudulent  boasting  of  England.  The  cry  of  a 
nation’s  indignant  grief  had  gone  up  to  heaven,  and  the  firm 
utterances  of  a spirit  which  was  neither  entreaty  nor  despair, 
rose  like  the  prophetic  warnings  of  Samuel  from  almost  every 
dungeon  in  the  kingdom.  Yet  England  was  not  satisfied. 


* In  the  year  1867  Captains  Kelly  and  Deasy  were  arrested  in  Man- 
chester (England)  on  a charge  of  Fenianism.  While  being  conveyed 
to  prison  an  attempt  was  made  to  rescue  them  by  some  of  their  friends, 
led  by  Captain  Edward  O’ Meagher  Condon.  The  policeman  in  charge  in- 
side the  van  in  which  the  prisoners  were  confined,  refusing  to  open  the 
door,  the  lock  was  broken  by  a pistol  shot,  and  the  policeman  accidentally 
killed.  For  this  “murder”  three  young  men,  named  Allen,  Larkin, 
and  O’Brien,  who  were  proved  to  have  taken  no  active  part  in  the  trans- 
action, were  tried,  convicted,  and  executed,  heroically  dying  with  the 
now  immortal  words,  “ God  save  Ireland  !”  on  their  lips. 


36 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


The  work  which  had  been  signalized  by  an  attack  upon  the 
lives  of  Irishmen  in  Manchester  was  not  to  be  completed 
without  an  attack  upon  the  liberties  of  Irishmen  in  Dublin, 
and  the  press,  the  last  advocate  of  the  prostrate  people,  was 
assailed.  For  comments  upon  the  execution  of  Allen,  Lar- 
kin, and  O’Brien,  the  editors  of  the  Dublin  IrisJunmi  and 
Weekly  News  were  prosecuted  and  consigned  for  several 
months  to  prison.  But  the  teeth  of  the  dragon  which  had 
been  sown  by  the  injustice  of  the  past  were  beginning  to  bite 
too  severely.  Government,  it  was  seen,  could  no  longer  be 
carried  on  in  the  open  daylight  of  the  nineteenth  century  by 
fixed  bayonets,  and  by  the  exclusive  patronage  of  a few  whose 
subservience  was  never  secure  as  long  as  they  remained  not 
entirely  selfish,  nor  entirely  corrupted.  The  cry  of  “ Justice 
to  Ireland  ” found  a response  in  the  hearts  of  the  more  noble 
or  more  politic  of  Englishmen,  a justice,  in  the  English 
conception  of  the  term,  soulless  and  narrow  indeed  as  com- 
pared with  the  breadth  of  vision  which  it  embraces  in  the 
aspirations  of  Irishmen,  yet  manifesting  a growing  spirit  of 
liberality  and  enlightened  expediency. 

Everything  in  Ireland  now  wore  a different  aspect  from 
what  it  had  done  in  the  reformer’s  eye.  The  country  in 
whose  government  but  a few  years  before  the  sagacity  of 
statesmen  could  find  no  flaw — whose  ‘^growing  prosperity  ” 
was  the  theme  of  so  many  eloquent  deliverances,  whose 
people  had  nothing  to  complain  of  except  the  misfortune 
that  they  were  not  English — was  discovered  to  be  no  longer 
the  sunny  Arcadia  .of  happiness  and  plenty  which  had 
stretched  its  green  slopes  in  the  glowing  light  of  the  Castle 
imagination,  fruitful  with  flocks  and  herds,  but  a land  of 
poverty  and  sorrow,  a Niobe  among  the  nations,  a very 
Lazarus  to  the  fervor  of  the  new  philanthropy,  spurned  by 
the  wealthy  master  who  oppressed  her,  and  covered  with 
the  wounds,  bruises  and  putrefying  sores  which  his  neglect 
and  cruelty  had  engendered.  The  sudden  change  of  opinion 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS, 


37 


seems  laughable  when  one  begins  to  think  how  it  was  brought 
about.  For  the  sake  of  the  honor  and  safety  of  England, 
for,  in  accordance  with  first  principles,  England’s  welfare 
has  always  been  the  foremost  thing  to  be  considered  in' 
dealing  with  Ireland,  something  should  be  done — so  in  an 
opportune  moment,  opportune  for  himself  and  for  his  pur- 
pose, Mr.  Gladstone  proposed  his  resolutions  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  religious  equality.  The  explosions  at  Clerken- 
well  prison  had  just  occurred,  and  though  Englishmen 
generally  were  not  so  loose-tongued  as  Mr.  Gladstone  in 
confessing  that  this  was  the  real  argument  in  favor  of  his 
proposals,  yet  after  much  howling  and  melancholy  vaticina- 
tions on  the  part  of  the  Orange  lodges  and  their  patrons, 
the  Establishment,  which  for  three  centuries  had  trampled 
on  the  feelings,  and  rifled  the  pockets,  of  the  Catholics  and 
Dissenters  of  Ireland  alike,  was  swept  away. 

But  the  removal  of  the  ecclesiastical  incubus  did  little 
towards  satisfying  the  wants  or  aspirations  of  the  Irish 
people.  A feeble  attempt  was  made  to  renew  the  struggle 
for  national  rights  when  Mr.  Butt,  in  1871,  founded  an  as- 
sociation for  the  establishment  in  Ireland  of  Home  govern- 
ment on  the  basis  of  Federalism.  This  was  what  came  to 
be  known  afterwards  as  the  Home  Rule  League.  It  failed 
entirely  in  its  object,  but  it  educated  the  minds  of  the 
people  for  something  more  advanced.  About  this  time  oc- 
curred the  amnesty  of  the  Fenian  prisoners,  and  one  among 
them,  Michael  Davitt,  the  son  of  an  evicted  Mayo  farmer, 
caught  up  the  idea  that  was  to  re-enkindle  the  hopes  of  Ire- 
land. This  one-armed  “enthusiast”  set  sail  for  America, 
and  there,  in  communion  with  the  spirits  who  had  kept  the 
flag  of  Irish  nationality  flying  through  good  and  evil  report, 
the  “ irreconcilables  ” who  preached  that  “God  made  the 
land  of  Ireland  for  the  people  of  Ireland,”  the  idea  of  a 
great  agrarian  movement  as  a means  of  overturning  the  for- 
eign garrison  and  of  improving  the  material  condition  of 


38 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND, 


the  people  was  conceived.  Davitt,  returning,  raised  “the 
Land  for  the  people  “ cry  at  Irishtown  in  April,  1879,  and, 
nobly  seconded  by  Mr.  Patrick  Ford  and  his  Irish  World,  and 
backed  by  the  Democracy  of  Ireland,  laid  the  foundations  of 
the  great  Land  League  organization  at  Dublin  under  the 
presidency  of  Mr.  Parnell  the  same  year,  with  the  immediate 
object  of  effecting  a sweeping  reform  in  the  system  of  land 
tenures  in  Ireland.  It  had  a higher  object  in  view,  how- 
ever, than  this,  and  it  differed  from  all  previous  Irish  or- 
ganizations in  that  it  professed,  though  not  ostensibly,  to 
settle  the  national,  through  absolution  of  the  social  prob- 
lem. Under  prudent  leadership  it  grew  rapidly  until, 
though  opposed  at  first  by  the  quasi-respectable  people  of 
the  country,  members  of  Parliament  included,  it  became 
the  foremost  popular  power  in  the  land.  It  was  small 
at  first,  so  small,  indeed,  that  it  was  pooh-poohed  by 
many  who  afterwards  became  its  loudest  supporters,  and 
the  most  demonstrative  advocates  of  its  doctrines.  Certainly, 
no  one  looking,  some  five  or  six  years  ago,  into  the  little 
office  in  Abbey  Street,  where  it  was  nursed  into  sturdy 
vitality,  could  have  imagined  that  it  would  ever  have  grown 
so  great  as  to  fill,  not  only  Ireland,  but  two  hemispheres, 
with  its  fame,  and  capture  even  the  citadel  of  British  preju- 
dice by  the  Thames  itself. 

But  there  was  a power  behind  it  in  the  scattered  forces  of 
Ireland  throughout  the  world,  and  on  the  day  when  Mr. 
Parnell  from  the  platform  in  the  square  of  Galway  declared 
that  he  should  “ never  have  taken  off  his  coat  to  this  work 
if  he  had  not  had  some  higher  object  than  mere  land  re- 
form in  view,”  its  success  was  assured.  It  did  noL  how- 
ever, achieve  success  without  much  sacrifice.  In  the  year 
1879  several  members  of  the  body  were  arrested,  charged 
with  conspiracy  and  seditious  speaking. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  October  of  1881,  Mr.  Parnell  was 
arrested  and  confined  in  Kilmainham  jail,  under  an  Act  of 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  A ATE  TRIUMPHS, 


39 


Parliament  which  had  been  passed  expressly  for  the  sup- 
pression of  the  League.  A week  after,  on  19th  October, 
the  celebrated  manifesto  calling  upon  the  tenants  of  Ireland 
to  pay  no  rent,  was  issued,  and  in  spite  of  every  effort  on 
the  part  of  the  authorities  to  prevent  it,  circulated  through- 
out the  length  and  breadth  of  the  country.  Between  mingled 
indignation  and  alarm,  the  authorities  lost  all  idea  of  re- 
spectable government  and  self-control,  and  struck  wildly  in 
every  direction  in  the  hope  of  somehow  or  other  obstructing 
the  operations  of  the  League  or  intimidating  its  members. 
The  people,  however,  stuck  heroically  to  the  instructions 
they  had  received,  and  sustained  the  manifesto  in  the  face 
of  unnumbered  threats  and  formidable  exhibitions  of  official 
power.  In  this  they  were  nobly  and  generously  supported 
by  the  people  of  America,  without  whose  aid,  it  is  not  too 
much  to  say,  the  Land  League  if  it  had  come  into  existence 
at  all,  would  have  speedily  shared  the  fate  of  so  many  other 
Irish  organizations,  and  have  died  of  inanition  or  exhaus- 
tion. Besides  the  enthusiastic  moral  support  which  the 
League  received,  not  only  from  the  Irish  in  America,  but 
from  American  sympathizers  as  well,  enormous  sums  were 
transmitted  to  Ireland  .in  aid  of  the  cause,  more  than 
$300,000  having  been  sent  directly  through  the  Irish 
World  alone.  It  was  America,  not  Ireland,  that  the  land- 
lords and  the  Government  feared,  and  it  was  the  conscious- 
ness that  America  was  with  them,  and  would  be  true  to 
them,  as  long  as  they  were  true  to  themselves,  that  upheld 
the  hearts  of  the  men  in  prison,  and  sustained  in  undimin- 
ished fortitude  and  patience  the  people  in  their  struggle 
outside. 

Immediately  on  the  issuing  of  the  No  Rent  Manifesto 
began  a real  reign  of  terror  in  Ireland.  The  whole  island 
was  handed  over  to  spies  and  policemen,  and  partisan 
magistrates  who  were  worse  than  either.  In  the  hotels,  in 
the  streets,  in  the  railway  cars,  in  every  place  of  public 


40 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


resort,  and  even  in  private  dwellings,  the  infamous  agents 
of  the  government  were  at  work,  noting  every  act,  and 
treasuring  up  every  incautious  word,  in  their  eagerness  to 
capture  a fresh  victim.  Day  and  night  the  houses  of  quiet 
citizens  were  raided  and  ransacked  by  the  police,  under  the 
pretence  of  searching  for  arms,  or  some  other  evidence  of 
insubordination  upon  which  to  hang  a suspicion  that  might 
consign  the  owners  to  prison.  Nor  were  the  arrests  confined 
simply  to  men.  Mere  boys,  children  in  fact,  were  seized  in 
the  streets  and  thrust  into  jail  by  the  police,  for  no  greater 
offence,  perhaps,  than  whistling  an  air  to  which  they  had  a 
personal  objection,  or  which  they  were  pleased  to  regard  as 
an  expression  of  sympathy  with  the  leaders  of  the  La7id 
League,  Never  was  an  organization  so  feared  by  those  in 
authority.  The  heads  of  the  Government  in  Dublin,  urged 
on  by  magistrates  and  frantic  landlords  in  the  country,  be- 
came fairly  crazy  in  their  efforts  to  crush  it.  They  arrested 
indiscriminately  every  one  who,  they  imagined,  acted,  spoke, 
wrote,  or  even  thought,  or  might  act,  speak,  write,  or  think, 
in  favor  of  its  projects.  No  one  was  safe.  Even  women 
did  not  escape.  Immediately  on  the  proclamation  of  the 
regular  Land  League,  the  ingenious  mind  of  Michael  Davitt 
conceived  the  idea  of  forming  a Ladies’  League.  The  idea 
was  an  exceedingly  happy  one.  The  Ladies’  League  did 
credit  to  its  founder,  and  was  eminently  successful  in 
spreading  the  light  throughout  the  country,  and  in  sustain- 
ing the  spirits  of  the  people  when  so  many  of  their  brethren 
were  in  prison,  against  the  intrigues  and  insolent  attacks  of 
the  authorities.  But  they  did  not  do  so  with  impunity.  As 
they  could  not,  for  very  shame’s  sake,  be  arrested  under 
any  law  in  actual  operation,  the  statute  book  was  ransacked, 
and  an  Act  of  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  which  had  been  ob- 
solete for  centuries,  was  unearthed  by  one  of  the  Castle  law- 
yers, and  brought  to  bear  upon  them  by  the  Attorney- 
General  and  his  staff.  Several  ladies  were  arrested  and  im- 


IRELAND'S  TRIALS  AND  TRIUMPHS, 


41 


prisoned,  but  coercion  was  becoming  in  the  eyes  of  every 
one,  not  inflamed  by  bigotry  or  self-interest,  more  odious 
and  more  ridiculous  every  day.  The  administration  of  the 
law  was  being  turned  into  a farce.  Arrests  became  so  fre- 
quent that  even  the  policemen  got  ashamed  of  making 
them,  and  imprisonments  were  reduced  to  such  a common- 
place, that  people  laughed  at  the  idea  of  going  to  jail. 
They  knew  that  the  fight  would  be  carried  on  whether  they 
were  in  jail  or  not,  for  that  when  they  were  gone,  there 
would  be  others  to  take  their  place.  In  the  year  i88i,  there 
were  over  a thousand  men  in  the  several  Irish  prisons,  upon 
suspicion  alone,  destined  to  remain  there  during  the  pleasure 
of  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  or  until  the  expiration  of  the  Act. 
No  one  of  them  had  been  tried  in  open  court,  or  otherwise, 
or  convicted  of  any  offence,  nor  did  any  of  them  expect  to 
be  tried,  or  to  be  allowed  any  opportunity  of  meeting  the 
vague  and  shadowy  charges  under  which  they  had  been  de- 
prived of  liberty.  In  such  a plight  was  the  “glorious’' 
British  constitution  in  Ireland  in  the  opening  year  of 
grace  1882  ! Still,  the  fight  between  the  tenants  on  the  one 
side,  and  the  landlords  and  the  government  on  the  other, 
went  on  with  unabated  vigor.  It  soon  became  evident,  how- 
ever, that  the  Irish  tenant  had  as  good  an  ally  in  America 
as  the  landlord  had  in  the  English  government;  and  that  the 
movement  could  neither  be  forcibly  suppressed,  nor  broken 
down  through  want  of  resources.  As  the  year  advanced 
this  truth  seems  to  have  dawned  upon  the  minds  of  some  of 
those  in  authority  in  Dublin  castle,  and  to  have  convinced 
a few  of  the  thinking  men  of  England  of  the  futility  of  coer- 
cion as  an  instrument  of  government — at  least  in  Ireland; 
for  before  the  end  of  the  following  May,  though  the  Act 
had  still  some  months  to  run,  the  prisoners  were  all  released, 
and  Mr.  Forster,  the  Chief  Secretary  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant, 
a strenuous  supporter  of  coercion,  had  resigned.  Since 
that  time,  and  from  the  date  of  the  day  when  it  was  declared 


42 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


illegal,  the  Land  League  has  never  ceased  to  prosecute  its 
programme  in  America  and  Ireland,  though  the  old  name 
has  been  abandoned  and  that  of  the  Irish  National  League 
since  used  instead. 


Ireland  of  To-day. 

After  a contest  of  over  700  years  Ireland  now  stands  face  to 
face  with  her  old  foe,  stronger  and  more  determined  than  she 
was  when  the  fight  began, — no  longer,  as  of  old,  an  isolated 
island  in  the  Atlantic,  but  a power  which  can  command  its 
allies  in  every  part  of  the  world.  Victorious  in  her  position, 
she  is  no  less  victorious  in  her  feelings.  Magnanimously, 
notwithstanding  all  she  has  suffered,  she  has  offered  her 
hand  in  peace  to  her  hereditary  oppressor.  Should  England 
refuse  the  offer,  and  allow  her  pride  or  her  selfishness  to 
obscure  her  judgment,  then  history  will  keep  repeating  itself 
with  increasing  emphasis  from  year  to  year,  and  the  offer 
of  peace  will  be  changed  into  a new  declaration  of  war. 
Ireland  will  make  no  further  concessions  and  no  further 
offers.  She  has  made,  perhaps,  too  many  of  both  already. 
She  will  not  have  her  claims  as  a nation  trifled  with  any 
longer.  Those  claims  are  as  well  founded  now,  and  have 
as  strong  a hold  upon  the  popular  heart,  as  in  the  more 
heroic  days  when  Sarsfield  fought  and  Emmet  died.  The 
sword  may  be  drawn  no  more  on  their  behalf — time  may 
have  changed  the  mode  of  warfare,  but  the  sentiments  re- 
main and  the  struggle  will  be  continued.  It  is  history 
speaks,  not  the  tongue  of  the  demagogue, — it  is  the  voice  of 
Nature  that  demands  a settlement,  not  the  cry  of  the  politi- 
cian; and  until  such  a settlement  is  made  as  will  give  to 
Ireland  what  Ireland  is  nationally  and  naturally  entitled  to, 
Ireland,  in  justice  to  herself,  will  be  bound  to  continue 
England’s  foe,  as  England,  true  to  the  spirit  of  the  past, 
will  continue  to  be,  as  far  as  she  can,  Ireland’s  oppressor. 

The  foregoing  sketch  of  Irish  History  can  hardly  even 


IRELANDS  TRIALS  A HD  TRIUMPHS. 


43 


be  called  a 'sketch'.  It  was  not  intended  by  the  writer  to 
give  facts,  so  much  as  to  strip  the  past  of  the  dress  of  facts 
which  envelopes  it;  to  find  as  it  were  the  soul  by  which  it 
is  animated,  and  to  awaken  an  interest  in  it  by  indicating 
the  nature,  rather  than  by  chronicling  the  details,  of  Ire- 
land’s melancholy  yet  glorious  story.  The  spirit  of  Irish 
History — what  is  it  ? Has  it  not  been  one  of  resistance — of 
resistance,  unhappy  truth  compels  us  to  say,  against  a power 
which  has  left  nothing  undone  to  destroy  the  energies  and 
crush  the  spirit  of  the  nation  ? In  the  path  of  English  liberty 
in  its  early  struggles,  stood  the  consecrated  despotism  of 
royalty,  and  the  power  of  an  aristocracy  laden  with  wealth 
and  exalted  by  traditions  of  ancient  tyranny  and  privilege. 
In  the  path  of  Irish  liberty  have  stood  the  same  obstacles, 
and  others  of  a nature  more  formidable  still.  On  the 
brightest  pages  of  the  strange  story  of  her  fate  are  traces 
of  every  evil  with  which  the  unfortunate  among  nations  are 
familiar.  With  one  hand  she  has  had  to  fight  against  an 
external  foe,  while  with  the  other  she  has  often  been  cajoled 
into  fighting  against  herself.  Yet  even  to  Ireland — Ireland, 
the  poorest  and  most  wretched  among  the  nations  of  Europe 
— Europe  owes  triumphs  which  will  hereafter  be  numbered 
among  the  noblest  in  the  history  of  human  progress.  What, 
for  instance,  gave  to  the  cause  of  religious  freedom  some 
of  its  brightest  victories,  and  cleared  the  way  for  its  complete 
success  ? The  fortitude  and  perseverance  of  Ireland.  And 
what  is  more  likely  to  give  the  last  blow  to  British  Feudal- 
ism, in  the  enfranchisement  of  the  land  from  the  tyranny  of 
laws  which  Feudalism  imposed,  than  the  persistence  with 
which  Ireland  has  struggled  and  is  struggling  still  to  give 
her  own  sons  a permanent  foothold  on  her  own  soil.  “ This 
(the  Irish)  people,”  says  Thierry,  “ have  taught  England — 
have  taught  the  world,  the  power  of  mind,  and  of  a morality 
which  yields  not  to  temptation,  and  the  use  of  that  new 
weapon  of  moral  force  which  will  yet  be  the  supreme  arbiter 


44 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


among  nations.  They  have  taught,  moreover,  the  absurdity 
of  endeavoring  to  pervert  the  natural  progress  of  national 
development  by  turning  it  into  strange  and  unaccustomed 
channels.^’  The  history  of  Ireland  is  worthy  the  attention 
of  the  wisest  as  well  as  the  most  simple.  She  has  fought 
the  good  fight  of  liberty  and  conscience  patiently  and  well. 
Amid  many  evils,  she  has  proved  herself  the  true  and  faith- 
ful worshipper,  whom  no  allurements  of  ambition  or  gain 
could  draw  away  from  the  altar  of  pure  and  lofty  principle. 
In  a world  where  instability  is  proverbial,  she  is  an  emblem 
of  the  sublimest  constancy,  and  in  an  age  from  which  the 
genius  and  dignity  of  chivalry  have  departed,  her  children 
are  devoted  as  sworn  knights  in  defence  of  her  honor.  For 
Ireland,  indeed,  there  is  every  hope,  and  looking  at  the 
spirit  which  has  animated  her  in  the  past,  in  view  of  the 
prospects  which  open  upon  her  in  the  present,  we  can  easily 
believe  with  those  who  would  apply  to  her  the  lines  that 
were  written  of  emancipated  Greece — 

brighter  Hellas  rears  its  mountains, 

O’er  waves  serener  far, 

A new  Peneus  rolls  its  fountains 

Against  the  morning  star.” 

We  stand  at  a solemn  turning  point  in  her  eventful  his- 
tory. In  the  light  of  a stormy  past,  crossed  with  many  a 
bar  of  gloom,  we  can  read  the  record  of  much  folly,  of  much 
wickedness,  and  of  many  an  instance  of  self-sacrifice  and 
devotion  which  rose,  with  the  brightness  of  a meteor,  over 
the  bewildered  destinies  of  the  nation.  In  the  light  of  a 
milder  future,  when  the  confusion  of  temporary  passions  shall 
have  passed  away, — when  the  excitement  of  disappointed 
selfishness  on  the  part  of  the  few  among  Irishmen  who  would 
blindly  oppose  her  claims  on  justice,  shall  have  yielded  to 
the  spirit  of  an  enlightened  and  generous  patriotism,  we  can 
see,  and  at  no  distant  day,  the  picture  of  another  Ireland, 
crowned  with  the  accomplished  hopes  of  ages,  and  protected 
by  the  dignity  and  united  loyalty  of  all  her  children. 


THE 

Story  of  the  Anglo-Irish  Union 

AS  TOLD  BY 

“THE  LONDON  PICTORIAL  WORLD.” 


A CONFESSION  OF  THE  MURDERS,  CORRUPTION  AND 
TERRIBLE  MEANS  EMPLOYED. 


AN  ENGLISH  STORY  OF  THE  UNION. 


'"‘l^HE  Londo7i  Pictorial  World  is  one  of  the  great  upper 

I class  illustrated  weeklies  of  England.  No  one  can 
gainsay  its  standing.  Never  friendly  to  the  Irish 
people,  this  article,  which  appeared  in  its  issue  of  April  15, 
1886,  one  week  from  the  day  on  which  Mr.  Gladstone  made 
his  remarkable  declaration  on  the  Irish  Question  and  in- 
troduced his  Home  Rule  Bill,  is  all  the  stronger  when 
the  general  course  of  animosity  to  Ireland  of  the  journal 
that  gives  it  place  is  considered.  The  plain  truth  of  the 
matter  is  that  the  facts  are  so  damning  that  the  attempt  to 
conceal  or  excuse  the  means  by  which  the  Act  of  Union  was 
secured  is  utterly  useless,  and  no  matter  who  it  is  that 
undertakes  to  tell  the  story,  unless  he  would  deny  the  pub- 
lished confession  of  guilt  on  the  part  of  the  authors  of  the 
Bill,  and  treat  the  whole  business  as  a myth,  he  must  detail 
a series  of  horrors  that  have  no  equal  in  the  pages  of  his- 
tory. Here  is  the  view  of  it  as  given  by  the  Pictorial  World 
at  date  mentioned: 

The  causes  which  led  up  to  the  legislative  Union  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland  in  1800  are  so  complex,  they  reach  back 
so  far  in  the  history  of  both  countries,  and  they  have  been 
written  about  with  such  strong  partisan  bias  on  both  sides 
that  to  construct  a sketch  of  them  which  shall  have  a fair 
claim  to  be  just  and  impartial  is  a matter  of  extreme  diffi- 
culty, if  it  be  not,  indeed,  impossible.  Histories,  almost 
by  the  score,  have  been  written  of  Irish  events  during  the 
last  twenty  years  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  it  is  no 
easy  task,  amid  the  mass  of  conflicting  views  of  the  same 
events,  to  gather  with  any  degree  of  clearness  what  was  the 
undercurrent  of  feeling  in  both  countries  which  culminated 


48 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


ultimately  in  Ireland  becoming,  in  1800,  instead  of  a separ- 
ate kingdom,  an  integral  part  of  the  United  Kingdom. 
Some  understanding  of  this  is  necessary,  otherwise  many  of 
the  events  which  marked  that  period  of  Irish  history  will 
appear  disproportionate  to  their  apparent  causes. 

A convenient  starting  point  may  be  found  in  the  revolt  of 
the  American  Colonies  in  1775.  The  case  of  these  colonies 
seemed  to  Irishmen  to  resemble  in  some  respects  that  of 
their  own  country.  They  were  subjected  to  the  will  of  a 
country  in  the  making  of  whose  laws,  by  which  they  were 
themselves  to  be  governed,  they  had  no  voice.  Their  trade 
suffered  under  grievous  disabilities.  Three  fourths  of  the 
population  of  the  country  were  disfranchised  in  the  Catholics, 
who  were  excluded  also  from  every  office  of  honor  and  em- 
olument under  the  Crown.  The  example  of  America  led  to 
the  formation  of  a patriot  party  in  Ireland,  whose  objects 
at  first  were  limited  to  the  liberation  of  trade  from  the  fet- 
ters under  which  it  languished,  and  the  abatement  of  other 
abuses.  But  under  the  leadership  of  the  illustrious  Henry 
Grattan  they  quickly  began  to  agitate  for  the  restoration  of 
the  ancient  freedom  of  the  Irish  Parliament.  The  demand 
came  at  a moment  when  the  Government  of  George  III. 
was  crippled  by  the  effort  to  subdue  Washington  and  his 
colonial  levies.  It  had  been  necessary  to  withdraw  the  reg- 
ular troops  from  Ireland,  which  was  now  garrisoned  and 
guarded  by  a national  volunteer  army  of  150,000  men. 
This  force  was  enthusiastic  for  Grattan,  and  the  oppressed 
Catholics  made  now  common  cause  with  the  long  dominant 
Protestant  colony.  The  surrender  of  the  British  forces  at 
Saratoga  and  the  recognition  of  American  independence 
made  it  hopeless  longer  to  resist  the  demand  on  the  part  of 
Ireland  for  a free  Parliament.  A solemn  treaty  in  the  form 
of  a statute  of  the  British  Parliament,  22  George  III.,  chap. 
28,  renounced  “for  ever”  the  usurpation  of  “ Poyning’s 
Law,“  which  required  the  approval  of  the  English  Privy 


AJV  ENGLISH  STOR  Y OF  THE  UNION. 


49 


Council  to  all  measures  to  be  submitted  to  the  Irish  Legis- 
lature and  covenanted  that  the  ancient  constitutional  right 
of  Ireland,  to  be  bound  only  by  laws  of  a free  Irish  Parlia- 
ment, should  henceforth  be  unquestioned  and  unquestion- 
able. There  followed  on  this  a remarkable  effect  upon 
national  liberty.  Irish  trade  and  commerce,  it  is  admitted 
by  historians  of  both  sides,  flourished  for  the  next  ten  years 
as  they  had  never  done  before  or  since.  Some  of  the  most 
grievous  of  the  penal  laws  were  repealed,  a happy  symptom 
of  the  growing  spirit  of  toleration  in  the  island. 

The  victory,  however,  had  only  been  won  in  face  of  the 
most  serious  difficulties.  One  of  the  most  conspicuous  of 
these  was  the  corrupt  conditions  under  which  members  were 
returned  to  the  Irish  House  of  Commons.  No  less  than 
one  hundred  and  sixteen  seats  were  owned  by  as  few  as 
twenty-five  proprietors.  One  hundred  and  twenty-three 
members  of  the  Lower  House  were  nominees  of  fifty-three 
of  the  Upper.  The  Government  reckoned  on  i86  votes,  or 
a majority  of  thirty-six  in  the  whole  House.  The  regular 
Opposition  consisted  of  only  eighty-two.  Reform  was  in- 
deed terribly  necessary,  and  to  this  abuse,  so  fatal  to  public 
liberty,  Grattan  and  his  friends  directed  their  attention. 
Pitt,  however,  and  still  less  his  bigoted  and  narrow-minded 
master,  was  by  no  means  favorably  disposed  towards  the 
progress  of  this  new-born  liberty  on  Irish  soil.  The  Amer- 
ican war  was  over.  The  hands  of  the  Government  were 
comparatively  free  again,  and  the  influence  of  English 
antagonism  to  Grattan  and  his  party  soon  made  itself  felt 
in  Ireland.  For  seven  years  the  struggle  progressed  with 
varying  success,  when  an  event  occurred  in  another  land 
which  was  destined  to  blast  the  hopes  of  Irish  patriots 
— at  any  rate,  for  a long  period  to  come.  In  1789  the 
French  Revolution  spread  like  a sea  of  molten  lava 
over  Europe.  The  governing  classes  were  stunned  with 
horror  and  dismay  at  the  scenes  of  cruelty  and  terror  which 
4 


50 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


followed  in  its  path.  The  friends  of  popular  liberty  were 
drunk  with  joy.  In  Ireland  the  classes  who  possessed 
lands  or  houses  or  money  all  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  Gov- 
ernment authority,  which  they  regarded  as  the  surest  bul- 
wark against  republican  principles.  The  English  Cabinet 
began  to  frown  on  the  popular  reformers  in  Ireland.  They 
soon  found  themselves  regarded  at  headquarters  as  danger- 
ous demagogues,  whose  fantastic  gospel  of  freedom  must 
be  sternly  repressed.  In  fact,  they  simply  broke  to  pieces, 
and  the  leading  spirit,  Grattan  himself,  retired  from  the 
scene. 

But  there  remained  a leaven  of  reckless  men  intoxicated 
with  the  gospel  of  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity  who  were 
driven  to  madness  at  the  sudden  collapse  of  their  hopes, 
and  at  the  design  of  the  English  Minister  to  bring  them,  as 
they  believed,  once  more  under  the  yoke  of  the  English 
Privy  Council,  and  take  back  all  the  freedom  which  had 
been  wrung  from  them  by  Grattan’s  patriotic  efforts  in  1782. 
These  men  enrolled  themselves  in  a secret  revolutionary 
conspiracy  for  the  overthrow  of  British  rule  in  Ireland. 
Though  eventually  the  popular  and  Catholic  element  pre- 
dominated among  them,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  original 
founders  and  first  adherents  of  the  enterprise  were  Protes- 
tants— chiefly  Ulster  Presbyterians.  Their  leader  was  Lord 
Edward  Fitzgerald,  son  of  the  Duke  of  Leinster;  and  one 
of  their  ablest  organizers  one  Wolfe  Tone,  who  was  stationed 
in  Paris  as  their  accredited  agent  to  the  French  Directory. 
The  British  Government  were  quick  to  see  that  an  abortive 
insurrection  would  be  the  surest  means  of  inducing  the 
propertied  classes  to  draw  closer  to  the  Central  Government 
in  London,  and  so  pave  the  "way  for  a consolidation  of-  the 
Parliaments.  But  towards  the  close  of  1796  the  Govern-^ 
ment  of  George  IIL,  heard  with  alarm  and  dismay  that  the 
JTench  Directory  had  determined  to  give  material  aid  to  the 
disaffected  Irish.  A powerful  flotilla  was  actually  despatched 


AJ\r  ENGLISH  STOR  Y OF  THE  UNION, 


51 


to  the  Irish  coast  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Hoche;  but 
a great  storm  dispersed  the  vessels,  and  but  a few  reached 
Bantry  Bay  on  the  southwest  coast  of  Ireland.  There  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  Government  now  tried  to  force  the 
hand  of  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald,  and  compel  him,  unpre- 
pared, to  take  the  field,  and  before  France  could  again  come 
to  his  aid.  For  this  purpose  martial  law  was  proclaimed, 
and  the  impartial  student  of  history  cannot  deny  that  terri- 
ble means  were  employed  by  the  British  Government  to 
goad  the  maddened  populace  into  a rising  which  would  give 
excuse  for  measures  of  stern  repression,  and  accomplish 
what  has  been  called  ‘‘  The  Fourth  Conquest  of  Ireland.” 
The  story  of  the  insurrection  of  '98  would  fill  a volume, 
and,  as  it  has  been  told  by  contemporary  chroniclers,  is  one 
of  the  saddest  examples  of  the  infuriated  passions  which 
are  let  loose  by  the  demon  of  Civil  War.  It  was  impossible 
for  the  Government,  with  the  information  they  possessed  of 
the  plans  and  intentions  of  the  United  Irishmen,  as  they 
were  called,  to  leave  the  country  very  much  in  the  hands  of 
a national  militia  so  deeply  affected,  as  it  was  known  to  be, 
with  the  patriotic  spirit.  They  embodied,  in  anticipation  of 
the  struggle,  a militia  of  thirty  thousand  men,  consisting  in 
great  part  of  the  recruits  whom  Orange  magistrates  recom- 
mended as  free  from  the  taint  of  patriotism.  The  plan  was 
not  altogether  successful,  for  four  of  the  Monaghan  militia 
were  shot  for  sympathy  with  the  national  cause.  Suspected 
Irish  regiments  were  exchanged  for  regiments  from  Scotland 
and  Wales,  and  the  regular  army  was  greatly  strengthened, 
till  nearly  a hundred  thousand  soldiers  were  assembled  in 
the  island.  The  enrolled  members  of  the  United  Irishmen, 
however,  numbered  twice  as  many.  But  when  their  plans 
were  almost  ripe  for  action  a colonel  of  the  insurgent  army, 
Thomas  Reynolds  by  name,  sold  his  associates  in  the  Gov- 
ernment. On  this  information  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald  was 
arrested.  The  central  council,  or  directory,  were  surprised 


53 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


when  actually  deliberating  on  the  question  of  immediate 
operation.  Lord  Edward  was  mortally  wounded.  The 
other  leaders  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Government,  and  the 
insurrection  hung  fire.  There  was  a rising  in  Ulster,  when 
a handful  of  Presbyterian  and  Catholic  farmers  fought  two 
battles  with  the  king's  troops,  but  they  were  completely 
routed.  The  United  Irishmen  had  still  strong  hopes  of  a 
French  invasion.  It  was  rumored  that  young  Gen.  Bona- 
parte and  Gen.  Hoche,  the  leader  of  the  abortive  attempt 
which  came  to  grief  at  Bantry  Bay,  would  head  it;  and  it 
was  naturally  of  the  utmost  moment  to  force  the  disaffection 
to  explode  in  the  South  also  before  help  from  France  could 
reach  the  country. 

The  United  Irishmen  had  enrolled  a few  recruits  in 
County  Wexford,  which  was  delivered  over  to  a militia  which 
was  encouraged  to  live  at  free  quarters.  These  miscreants, 
supposing  they  were  doing  good  service  to  the  Government 
in  whose  pay  they  were,  proceeded  to  torture  the  unfortu- 
nate peasantry  in  a manner  as  ingenious  as  it  was  barbarous. 

The  French  Republicans  had  introduced  the  fashion  of 
cropped  hair,  and  the  British  soldiery  invented  the  brutal 
pastime  of  dragging  any  peasant  whose  hair  was  not  of  the 
orthodox  length  into  barracks,  where  a cap  of  coarse  linen 
smeared  with  pitch  was  drawn  over  his  head,  on  which  he 
was  turned  out  to  be  hunted  by  a loyal  mob,  the  sport  con- 
sisting in  tearing  off  the  cap  and  often  scalping  the  unfortu- 
nate man  in  the  act.  Sometimes  these  soldiers  hanged  sus- 
pected persons  to  extort  confession  or  flogged  them  to  the 
point  of  death.  Sometimes  they  hung  them  up  by  the  arms 
with  their  feet  resting  on  pointed  stakes.  If  the  peasant 
could  not  be  found  his  house  was  set  on  fire.  The  Catholic 
chapels  were  sacked  and  burned  to  the  number,  it  is  said,  of 
over  sixty  in  this  county  alone.  At  last  a Catholic  priest, 
whose  chapel  had  been  burned,  turned  out  with  his  flock  and 
took  the  field.  But  he  was  quickly  overpowered.  A little 


A AT  ENGLISH  STORY  OF  THE  UNION 


53 


later  a French  expedition  headed  by  Wolfe  Tone  arrived, 
but  it  came  too  late.  The  contest  was  at  an  end.  The 
Government  hanged  Presbyterian  ministers  in  the  North, 
the  Catholic  priests  in  the  South;  then  came  the  court-mar- 
tial and  the  savage  excesses  of  troops  taught  to  regard  the 
campaign  as  a holy  war.  Suspected  peasants  were  sent  on 
board  tenders  on  a military  order,  and  only  released  on  un- 
dertaking to  serve  in  the  army  or  navy.  Many  were  ex- 
changed for  German  soldiers,  and  sent  to  die  in  foreign  wars. 
The  picture,  by  whatever  side  it  has  been  painted,  is  one  of 
the  darkest  in  the  long  and  gloomy  history  of  the  English 
occupation  of  Ireland. 

One  thing  is  certain,  that  the  Government  encouraged  the 
formation  of  the  Orange  Society,  the  effect  of  which  was 
to  create  a marked  separation  between  Protestants  and  Cath- 
olics, so  fatal  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  country. 
The  party  processions  and  the  party  badges  of  these  Orange 
Lodges,  which  have  kept  alive  the  bitter  memories  of  1798 
even  to  our  own  day,  are  one  of  the  inheritances  of  those 
disastrous  times.  Yet  more,  a thoughtful  study  of  their 
history,  free  from  the  mists  of  passion  and  prejudice  which 
then  blinded  the  judgment,  makes  us  more  than  suspect 
that  the  Government  fomented  the  excesses  of  Wexford  in 
order  to  divide  Protestants  and  Catholics,  and  so  pave  the 
way  for  the  Union.  This  has,  we  know,  been  denounced 
in  modern  times  as  a base  and  groundless  accusation;  but 
Ireland  was  not  then  treated  as  the  spoiled  child  of  the 
Empire,  as  she  is  to-day,  and  an  authority  as  high  as  Plunket 
makes  no  secret  that  he  believed  this  to  be  fact.  Speaking 
of  Lord  Castlereagh  he  says:  “ I accuse  him  of  fomenting 
the  embers  of  a lingering  rebellion,  of  hallooing  the  Prot- 
estant against  the  Catholic  and  the  Catholic  against  the 
Protestant,  of  artfully  keeping  alive  domestic  discussions 
for  the  purpose  of  subjugation.*' 

There  can  be  no  question  whatever  that  the  moribund 


54 


THE  STORY  OF  IRE  LANE. 


Parliament  which  was  so  soon  to  be  closed  on  College  Green 
was  but  a venal  tool  of  the  English  Ministry,  a jury  which 
they  had  packed  to  give  any  verdict  which  happened  to  suit 
them.  When  Grattan  introduced  his  bill  to  emancipate  the 
Catholics  (as  fully  as  they  were  afterwards  emancipated  in 
1829)  it  was  lost  by  a majority  of  three  to  one.  In  1797  he 
made  a final  effort  for  Parliamentary  reform,  but  he  was  fol- 
lowed into  the  lobby  by  only  thirty  members  against  a hun- 
dred and  seventeen,  when  he  seceded  from  the  house  in 
despair.  During  the  insurrection  he  was  in  England  in 
failing  health,  broken-hearted  at  the  miseries  of  the  country 
he  had  tried  so  nobly  to  serve.  It  was  at  this  moment  that 
George  III.  rewarded  the  services  of  one  of  the  greatest 
and  best  statesmen  of  his  reign  by  striking  his  name  with 
his  own  hand  off  the  list  of  the  Privy  Council ! 

It  was  amid  the  smouldering  flames  of  an  unsuccessful 
insurrection  that  Pitt  determined  on  carrying  the  legislative 
union  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  That  it  was  effected 
only  by  a lavish  expenditure  of  money;  that  several  meet- 
ings convened  to  protest  against  it  were  dispersed  by  force, 
and  that  it  was  petitioned  against  by  over  700,000  people 
among  a population  of  between  three  or  four  millions,  are 
factors  of  history.  O’Connell’s  account  of  the  matter, 
speaking  before  the  Corporation  of  Dublin,  has  never  met 
with  any  satisfactory  denial,  and  the  only  excuse  which  can 
be  made  for  Pitt  was  that  he  believed  the  end  to  justify  the 
means.  This  is  what  he  said: — 

“Within  the  (Irish)  Parliament  a majority  was  bought 
and  paid  for.  Over  a quarter  of  a million  was  spent  in 
secret  bribes  and  a quarter  openly  in  buying  the  interest 
which  patrons  were  supposed  to  possess  in  the  right  of 
boroughs  to  representation.  In  the  army,  in  the  navy,  in 
the  customs,  patronage  was  distributed  as  bribes.  Those 
who  i)referred  money  down  got  a sum  of  ^S^ooo  for  a vote, 
but  an  offer  of  ^2,000  a year  was  not  considered  too  high 


AJV  ENGLISH  STORY  OF  THE  UNION 


55 


an  equivalent.  No  less  than  twenty  peerages,  ten  bishoprics, 
one  Chief- Justiceship,  and  six  puisne  Judgeships  were  given 
to  men  who  voted  for  the  Union. 

It  was  a costly  business  to  effect  the  union  of  Ireland 
with  Great  Britain.  It  will  apparently  be  a hardly  less  costly 
one  to  dissolve  it.  Pitt’s  excuse  for  his  measure  was  that 
the  Union  was  the  only  means  to  save  Ireland  from  herself; 
Gladstone’s  that  the  undoing  of  Pitt’s  work  is  the  only  way 
again  to  save  Ireland  from  herself.  Irish  history  moves  in 
cycles,  and  she  is  always,  strangely  enough,  coming  back  to 
the  same  point  from  which  she  started.  The  problem 
before  us  is  as  complex,  as  anxious  as  it  was  in  1800,  and  it 
is  much  the  same  now.  The  Union  was  a leap  in  the  dark. 
The  dissolution  of  the  Union  is  no  less  so.  The  Tories 
carried  the  Union.  The  successors  of  the  Whigs  propose 
to  dissolve  it.  It  is  no  part  of  the  object  of  this  article  to 
enter  on  a political  discussion  of  the  merits  of  the  burning 
question  at  issue.  Few  will  deny  that  the  Union  was 
effected  very  much  as  a conqueror  annexes  a country  in 
which  his  arms  have  been  victorious.  In  the  opinion  of  so 
impartial  a critic  as  Mr.  Froude,  ‘‘  socially  and  internally 
the  Union  worked  only  mischief.”  But  under  its  shadow 
almost  every  abuse  which  made  our  government  of  Ireland  a 
byword  has  been  swept  away.  The  Ireland  of  to-day  is  as  un- 
like the  Ireland  of  1800  as  Wales  or  Scotland  is  to  a province 
of  Polish  Russia.  And  yet  the  disaffection  is  as  deep,  the 
enmity  as  bitter  as  in  the  days  when  Carhampton  harassed 
the  Peasantry  of  Wexford  with  unheard-of  cruelties,  and 
Ireland  was  represented  by  a Parliament  gagged  by  the 
British  Government.  It  is  impossible  to  imagine  any  set 
of  circumstances  so  totally  diverse  as  those  which  marked 
the  condition  of  Ireland  in  1800  and  in  1886.  As  we  have 
seen,  the  clamor  for  a restoration  of  Grattan’s  Parliament  is 
a demand  for  what,  in  its  later  years  at  any  fate,  fell  a prey 
to  the  basest  corruption,  and  was  a curse  to  the  country  it 


56 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE  LA  HE, 


was  created  to  govern.  Whether  a Parliament,  born  under 
more  propitious  skies,  would  be  a blessing  or  a curse  to 
Ireland  no  one  will  be  bold  enough  to  prophesy.  At  any 
rate,  this  brief  glance  at  the  causes  which  led  up  to  the 
Union,  and  the  knowledge  of  what  has  resulted  from  it  in 
the  last  eighty-six  years,  will  show  how  vast  is  the  difficulty 
of  the  problem  undertaken  by  Mr.  Gladstone,  and  how 
almost  equally  full  of  danger  seem  the  alternative  courses  of 
the  rejection  or  adoption  of  his  scheme  for  an  Irish  millen- 
nium 


AMERICA  TO  IRELAND  IN  1776. 


ADDRESS 

OF  THE 

CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS 

TO  THE  IRISH  PEOPLE  ON  THE  EVE 
OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


dL.., 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONGRESS  TO 
THE  IRISH  PEOPLE 


ON  THE  EVE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION. 

FRIENDS: — We  are  desirous  of  possessing  the  good 
opinion  of  the  virtuous  and  humane.  We  are  pecu- 
liarly desirous  of  furnishing  the  People  of  Ireland 
with  a true  statement  of  our  motives  and  objects^  the  better  to 
enable  you  to  judge  of  our  conduct  with  accuracy,  and  deter- 
mine the  merits  of  the  controversy  with  impartiality  and 
precision. 

‘^Your  Parliament  had  done  us  no  wrong.  You  have 
been  friendly  to  the  rights  of  mankind,  and  we  acknowledge 
with  pleasure  and  gratitude  that  the  Irish  Nation  has  pro- 
duced patriots  who  have  highly  distinguished  themselves  in 
the  cause  of  humanity  and  America.  On  the  other  hand, 
we  are  not  ignorant  that  the  labors  and  manufactures  of 
Ireland,  like  those  of  the  silk-worm,  were  of  little  moment 
to  herself,  but  served  only  to  give  luxury  to  those  who  fieither 
toil  nor  spin. 

‘‘Accept  our  most  grateful  acknowledgments  for  the 
friendly  disposition  you  have  already  shown  towards  us. 
We  know  that  you  are  not  without  your  grievances.  We 
sympathize  with  you  in  your  distress,  and  are  pleased  to 
find  that  the  design  of  subjugating  us  has  persuaded  the 
English  Government  to  dispense  to  Ireland  some  vagrant 
rays  of  ministerial  sunshine.  The  tender  mercies  of  the 
British  Government  have  long  been  cruel  toward  you.  God 
grant  that  the  iniquitous  schemes  of  extirpating  liberty  may 
soon  be  defeated.” 


ERIN  TO  COLUMBIA. 


CONGRATULATORY  ADDRESS 

OF 

/ 

THE  IRISH  NATION 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  AMERICA  ON  THE 
CENTENARY  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  THE 
REPUBLIC,  JULY  4,  1876. 


IRELAND  TO  AMERICA. 

The  Address  of  the  Irish  Nation  congratulating  this 
Republic  on  the  Centennial  of  its  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, 1876, — which  was  so  cordially  received 
by  the  House  of  Representatives  at  Washington,  and  to 
which  Congressman  Holman,  the  mover,  referred  with  pride 
last  week  in  his  letter  to  The  Irish  Worlds — is  herewith  re- 
published according  to  promise  The  propriety  of  its  re- 
appearance in  this  paper,  and  at  this  time,  will  be  obvious. 
The  address  is  brimful  of  historical  interest  both  for  Irish- 
men and  Americans.  It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Patrick 
Egan,  the  worthy  President  of  the  Irish  National  League  of 
America,  was  then  as  now,  as  he  has  been  all  the  years  of 
his  manhood,  active  in  the  service  of  Ireland.  We  quote: — 

\From  the  Irish  World  of  July  29,  1876.] 

The  Centennial  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Ameri- 
can Independence  brought  together  on  the  4th  of  July  on 
Harold' s-Cross  Green,  Dublin,  an  assemblage  of  Irishmen, 
large,  enthusiastic,  and  bound  in  sympathy  with  their  ocean- 
separated  friends  and  compatriots.  Batches  had  swelled 
into  crowds,  then  bands,  with  accompanying  ranks  of  men, 
came  bearing  all  before  them  on  the  roads,  and  rapidly  the 
area  for  the  meeting  became  covered  and  packed.  From 
the  far  end,  where  the  platform  was  erected,  the  mass  of 
people  were  seen  stretched  to  the  sides  of  the  green,  and 
extended  back  as  far  as  the  bridge,  where  the  ground 
gradually  became  denser  and  darker,  while  fresh  bands  and 
more  banners^  strove  to  crush  up  towards  the  platform. 
Green  flags,  American  flags,  French  flags,  and  bannerets 
waved  over  the  heads  of  the  demonstrations,  whilst  here 


64 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


and  there  brass  instruments  and  uniform  caps  indicated  the 
presence  of  the  city  bands,  whose  melodies  hardly  rose 
above  the  roar  of  the  crowd  as  they  cheered  some  popular 
sentiment  or  recognized  some  popular  leader.  Early  in  the 
proceedings  a large  American  flag  was  elevated  on  the  plat- 
form, and  hailed  by  a mighty  cheer,  which  rolled  away  to 
the  bridge,  until  it  became  faint  from  dist^ce,  and  not 
from  lack  of  throats  to  support  it.  A small  green  banner, 
an  humble  follower  of  the  great  trans-Atlantic  emblem,  was 
then  hoisted,  and  was  as  heartily  welcomed.  As  darkness 
fell  the  vastness  of  the  meeting  was  more  impressive  and 
then  torches  were  lit,  tar  barrels  set  blazing,  and  fireworks 
and  rockets  sent  sparkling  in  showers  of  fire  across  the 
heavens.  Shortly  after  eight  o’clock,  Harold’s-Cross  Green 
was  occupied  by  fully  60,000  persons,  the  utmost  order 
being  observable  throughout  the  proceedings.  Mr.  John 
O’Neill  was  the  first  speaker.  He  said  the  maxim  at  the 
present,  and  always  had  been  throughout  centuries  of  op- 
pression and  wrong,  ‘^Ireland  for  the  Irish.”  (Cheers.) 
And  the  4th  of  July,  100  years  ago,  the  battle  of  the 
American  people  freed  them  from  the  galling  chains  of 
England.  (Cheers.)-  At  the  conclusion  of  his  speech  a 
number  of  torches  were  lighted  through  the  crowd,  and  a 
wagonette  arrived  at  the  foot  of  the  platform,  in  which  were 
seated  Mr.  Parnell,  M.  P.,  Mr.  Fay,  M.  P.,  Mr.  P.  Egan, 
Mr.  Kavanagh,  Mr.  Dunne,  and  a few  other  gentlemen. 

Mr.  Egan  was  soon  after  moved  to  the  Chair. 

The  Chairman  said  they  were  assembled  for  a great  and 
glorious  purpose,  to  celebrate  the  Declaration  of  American 
Independence,  to  celebrate  the  hundredth  anniversary  of 
the  day  on  which  the  hardy  colonists  of  America  asserted 
their  manhood,  flung  off  the  hated  yoke  of  England,  and 
sprang  into  life,  li])erty,  and  nationhood.  (Applause.)  To 
that  great  Republic  Irishmen,  exiled  from  their  own  coun- 
try, were  banished,  in  the  words  of  the  Times ^ with  a ven- 


IRELAND  TO  AMERICA, 


65 


geance/’  and  there  were  to-day  in  Ireland  thousands  upon 
thousands  whose  hearts  beat  for  the  day  when  their  ban- 
ished kindred  and  their  descendants  would  be  coming  back 
^^with  a vengeance/'  (Applause.) 

Speech  of  Mr.  Parnell. 

Mr.  Parnell,  M.  P.,  in  moving  the  adoption  of  an  address 
to  the  American  people,  said  that  he  had  come  that  morn- 
ing from  a British  House  of  Commons  after  the  rejection 
of  the  demand  of  the  Irish  nation,  to  assist  his  countrymen 
in  celebrating  the  independence  of  the  American  people. 
(Applause.)  It  was  a proud  task,  it  was  an  important  duty 
that  they  had  before  them  to-night;  they  were  celebrating 
the  birthday  of  a nation;  they  were  celebrating  the  free- 
dom of  fifty  millions  of  people,  and  they  were  not  only 
celebrating  the  freedom  of  the  American  people,  but  they 
celebrated  also  those  principles  which  had  been  introduced 
and  laid  before  them  by  the  great  sacrifices  which  the 
American  people  made  to  obtain  their  independence,  and 
which  would  fructify  and  bear  fruit  for  all  ages.  (Loud 
applause.)  But  at  the  same  time  it  was  right  that  he  should 
point  out  to  them  and  denounce  the  attempt  that  had  been 
made  by  the  English  governing  classes  (hisses)  to  congratu- 
late the  Americans  upon  the  freedom  which  they  had  won 
from  the  ancestors  of  those  classes  in  years  ago.  (Applause.) 
When  he  saw  such  attempts  he  said  that  the  spirit  lives  to- 
day in  those  classes  which  incited  Cornwallis  to  let  loose 
the  Red  Indians  upon  the  defenceless  wives,  daughters, 
and  children  of  the  brave  Americans  who  were  struggling 
for  liberty  against  British  armed  oppression.  (Hisses.) 
The  same  spirit  lives  that  incited  Lord  Percy,  on  the  retreat 
of  the  English  regiments  from  Concord  to  Boston,  when 
they  were  driven  and  pelted  by  the  brave  irregulars  of 
Massachusetts  (applause),  when  the  English  soldiers  ran 
away  so  fast  that  they  ran  fifteen  miles  in  forty-five  minutes 
5 


66 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND, 


(laughter);  the  same  spirit  exists  to-day  which  prompted 
Lord  Percy,  the  commander  of  those  flying  forces,  to  ravish 
every  house  he  could  reach,  to  kill  every  man,  woman,  and 
child  within  reach  of  his  troops.  (Applause.)  What  they 
did  then  was  what  they  would  do  to-day  to  the  Americans 
if  they  could  get  the  chance.  Ah,  sir  ! when  a lying  Prime 
Minister  told  the  credulous  House  of  Commons  that  Allen, 
Larkin,  and  O’Brien  (cheers  for  the  Manchester  martyrs) 
were  murderers,  he  told  them  then  what  would  have  been 
said  to-day  of  W'ashington  if  he  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  English  troops.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  spirit  which 
had  oppressed  every  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth  with 
which  England  had  come  in  contact  lived  to-day  as  strong 
as  ever.  Let  us  then  congratulate  America;  let  us  bid  her 
God-speed  on  her  great  task  of  civilization.  Let  us  wish 
our  American  brothers  that  prosperity  may  attend  on  their 
independence,  and  let  us  hope  for  this  poor  isle  of  ours 
that  independence  and  that  practical  power  of  legislating 
for  ourselves,  without  which  we  cannot  hope  to  be  free. 
(Applause.)  I have  great  pleasure  in  moving  the  adoption 
of  the  address,  which  will  be  forwarded  to-night  to  President 
Grant  for  presentation  to  the  American  people.  (Applause.) 
The  following  is  the 

Address  of  the  Irish  Nation,  Congratulating  the 

American  People  on  the  Centennial  of  their  Inde- 
pendence. 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America^  the  People 
of  Irela7id  Greetmg, 

Sir — Whilst  the  mighty  Republic  over  which  you  preside 
commemorates  the  Centenary  of  its  deliverance,  the  Irish 
nation,  universally  moved  by  kindred  sympathy,  desires  to 
mingle  its  accents  of  congratulation  with  the  exultant  jubi- 
lation of  a victorious,  a great,  and  a free  people.  America 
has  now  enjoyed  one  hundred  years  of  freedom,  preserving 


IRELAND  TO  AMERICA. 


67 


with  unremitting  fidelity  the  sacred  trust  confided  to  her 
care;  Ireland  has  borne  seven  centuries  of  oppression  with- 
out having  ever,  for  one  single  instant,  forfeited  her  fervent 
love  of  liberty.  This,  we  know,  would  afford  ample  and 
sufficient  reason  to  authorize  our  addressing  your  august 
nation,  for  we  are  well  aware  that  a century  of  happiness 
has  but  made  freedom  more  dear  to  your  hearts,  quickened 
your  sympathy  with  suffering,  and  rendered  despotism 
more  detestable.  Yet  other  reasons  also  there  are,  which 
we  venture  to  recall,  because  in  reciting  them  it  seems  as 
though  we  were  tracing  out  the  mysterious  design  of  Provi- 
dence which  fashioned  between  us  bands  of  mystic  brother- 
hood, drew  us  closely  together  in  heart,  and  mind,  and 
soul,  in  order  that  the  sunlight  of  liberty,  which  America 
enjoys,  should  also  illuminate  the  sorrowing  but  uplifted 
and  expectant  brow  of  Ireland. 

Of  old,  when  the  most  adventurous  of  the  mighty  Aryan 
race  had  penetrated  even  to  this  our  island,  they  clomb  our 
Western  mountains  and  beheld  the  immensity  of  ocean 
which  seemed  to  debar  them  from  further  daring.  The 
material  obstacles  could  control  their  bodies  only;  their 
eagle-minds  planned  far  beyond  the  tossing  billows,  and,  in 
imagination,  they  discovered  a new  and  wondrous  land. 
Clothing  it  in  the  golden  glories  of  the  sunset  sky,  they 
named  it  The  Land  of  Youth,”  and  endowed  it  with 
mystic  virtues,  believing  that  it  gave  strength  to  the  weak, 
hope  to  those  who  were  faint  of  heart,  and  immortal  joy 
and  youth  to  sad  old  age.  Standing  on  the  uttermost  verge 
of  the  Western  World,  gazing  from  the  last  pinnacle  of  the 
Known,  they  pierced,  by  a divine  intuition,  the  mysteries 
of  the  Unknown.  They  imagined  the  existence  of  a new 
world  which  after-times  made  manifest.  They  believed  it 
possessed  a virtue  which  transfigures  all  it  touches — and 
such  is  Freedom  ! They  beheld  it  in  the  propitious  land, 
and  who  shall  say  them  nay?  where  many,  many  of  the 


68 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


ancient  race  of  Erin  were  destined  to  renew  their  youth, 
like  the  eagle,  and  arise  strong,  prosperous,  and  invincible. 

‘^The  Greater  Ireland.” 

Inspired  by  this  prophetic  vision,  moved  by  the  profound 
instinct  which  the  Almighty  Creator  infused  into  the  hearts 
of  our  forefathers,  their  souls  have  ever  yearned  toward  the 
West.  There  was  a time  when  Ireland,  which,  like  Zion, 
has  become  tributary,  was  once  great  among  the  nations, 
a princess  among  the  provinces.”  Her  country  was  the 
university  of  Europe,  in  whose  open  gates  strangers  coming 
from  all  quarters  to  its  free  lectures  and  hospitable  board, 
met  learned  men  going  forth  to  instruct  all  peoples,  from 
snowy  Iceland  to  burning  Araby.  “Three  centuries  of 
European  civilization  belong  exclusively  to  Ireland  ” — such 
is  the  testimony  of  a foreign  historian.  During  this  long 
lapse  of  time,  from  the  sixth  to  the  ninth  centuries,  many 
voyagers  went  forth  from  our  shores  upon  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  and  it  is  told  that  some — amongst  them  St.  Brendan 
— reached  the  far,  fair  land  which  men  now  call  America. 
The  naturalized  Norsemen  of  our  ports,  whose  home  was 
on  the  living  waters  of  the  sea,  followed  likewise  in  the 
golden  path  of  the  setting  sun,  and  beheld  the  further  limit 
of  the  multitudinous  billows.  To  that  discovered  land,  the 
bounteous  territory  which  the  ancient  Irish  had  named  the 
“Land  of  Youth,”  the  Saga  of  the  Scandinavians  gave 
the  not  less  significant  appellation  of  “ Irland  it  Mikla,” 
which,  being  translated,  means  “Greater  Ireland.” 

Ireland  Ever  the  Friend  of  America. 

When,  in  later  times,  the  colonial  assemblies  of  America 
resolved  no  longer  to  endure  the  heavy  yoke  laid  on  them 
by  B>ritain,  to  what  else  can  we  assign  their  undoubting 
trust  in  Irish  sympathy  than  to  that  instinctive  community 
of  sentiment  between  the  two  countries  which  appears,  from 


IRELAND  TO  AMERICA, 


69 


what  precedes,  to  have  been  fore-ordained  of  God  ? The 
words  addressed  by  America  to  Ireland  do  so  much  honor 
to  our  country  that  we  cannot  but  recall  them,  not  to  re- 
mind Americans  of  them  (for  well  we  know  they  need  no 
reminder),  but  to  prove  to  the  world  that  Ireland  was 
America’s  friend  in  the  day  of  her  fiery  trial.  Whilst  the 
British  Generals  complained  that  the  Irish  refused  to  volun- 
teer for  the  American  war,  the  Continental  Congress  wrote 
to  the  people  of  Ireland,”  from  Philadelphia,  in  1774,  these 
words:  “You  have  ever  been  friendly  to  the  rights  of  man- 
kind, and  we  acknowledge  with  pleasure  and  gratitude  that 
your  nation  has  produced  patriots  who  have  nobly  distin- 
guished themselves  in  the  cause  of  humanity  and  of 
America.”  In  1775  the  Congress  wrote^  saying:  “Accept 
our  most  grateful  acknowledgments  for  the  friendly  disposi- 
tion you  have  always  shown  us,”  and  added  the  expression 
of  its  sympathy  because  of  the  grievances  which  Ireland 
endured.  In  1778  Franklin,  the  first  ambassador  from 
America  to  France,  wrote  declaring  the  deep  concern  of 
Congress  with  respect  to  the  wrongs  of  Ireland,  owing  to  such 
“ a combination  of  rapine,  treachery,  and  violence,  as  would 
have  disgraced  the  name  of  Government  in  the  most  arbi- 
trary country  in  the  world.”  It  is  a needless,  though  it 
would  be  a proud  task  for  us,  to  relate  with  what  fervent 
loyalty  to  the  principle  of  justice  the  Irish  threw  themselves 
into  the  contest,  and  made  sacrifice  of  life  to  secure  the 
triumph  of  liberty.  “Americans!  ” said  a generous  Ameri- 
can, himself  the  adopted  son  of  Washington,  “Americans, 
recall  to  your  minds  the  recollections  of  that  heroic  time, 
when  Irishmen  were  our  friends,  and  when  in  the  whole 
world  we*had  not  a friend  beside.”  Thousands  of  Irish- 
men, he  adds,  had  died  for  their  cause,  before  the  Flag  of 
France  was  advanced  to  their  assistance.  Let  us  not  forget 
it — beneath  that  broad  bancier  of  France  beat  the  gallant 
hearts  of  officers  and  men  of  that  Irish  Brigade,  whose 


70 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


invincible  front  struck  terror  into  the  foe  on  the  slopes  of 
Fontenoy,  and  marched  again  to  victory  on  the  plains  of 
America. 

Washington's  Recognition. 

In  recognition  of  the  services  of  Irishmen,  the  General- 
in-Chief  of  the  American  forces  became  a member  of  the 
Irish  Association,  known  as  the  Friendly  Sons  of  St. 
Patrick,  twenty-seven  of  whom  had  contributed  over 
;^ioo,ooo  to  succor  his  army  in  Valley  Forge.  “ I accept," 
he  said,  ‘‘  with  singular  pleasure  the  ensign  of  so  worthy  a 
fraternity  as  that  of  the  Sons  of  St.  Patrick  in  this  city— a 
society  distinguished  for  the  firm  adherence  of  its  members 
to  the  cause  in  which  we  are  all  embarked."  It  has  been  a 
consolation  to  our  country  in  her  darkest  sufferings,  it  has 
been  and  it  shall  be,  throughout  all  time,  one  of  the  greatest 
glories  of  our  nation,  that  George  Washington,  who  rejected 
the  honors  of  Britain,  repudiated  her  title,  and  cast  down 
her  yoke,  accepted  an  Irish  ensign,  and  became  the  first 
“ Adopted  Citizen  of  Ireland." 

Since  that  auspicious  day  a century  has  elapsed,  but  in 
all  those  hundred  years  not  one  second  has  interrupted  the 
fraternal  amity  of  our  nations.  Trials  which  came  to  test 
the  hearts  of  both  have  but  served  to  call  into  being  new 
proofs  of  their  fidelity  each  to  the  other.  When  by  foreign 
threat  and  internal  violence  a gigantic  effort  was  made  to 
overthrow  the  Republic  of  Washington,  and  Heaven  secured 
its  safety  by  your  hand,  the  Irish  race  renewed  the  memory 
of  our  fathers’  deeds,  and  the  testimony  of  its  truth  is  in- 
scribed on  the  tombs  of  the  battle-field.  Amidst  the  noble 
oblivion  with  which  America  has  veiled  all  the  errors  of  the 
wayward  past,  this  testimony  will  remain  imperishable  to 
ennoble  our  present  and  inspire  our  future. 

‘Trklant)  Joins  in  theTe  Deum  of  Victorious  America." 

Sir,  we  recall  not  these  evidences  of  history  in  order  to 


IRELAND  TO  AMERICA. 


71 


formulate  a claim  upon  American  sympathy.  That  is  a free- 
will offering,  too  lofty  to  bear  control,  too  bounding  to  evoke 
in  our  hearts  one  other  feeling  than  that  of  manly  gratitude. 
Throughout  our  sufferings  its  vivifying  rays  have  never 
failed  to  fall  upon  our  souls,  quickening  into  speedier  life 
the  undying  germs  of  hope.  America  has  stood  by  us,  like 
the  Samaritan  by  the  wounded  man,  not  only  during  an 
artificial  Famine  of  Food,  but  likewise  during  an  equally 
artificial  Famine  of  Freedom.  If  her  intervention  helped 
to  preserve  a fruitful  land  from  that  privation  which  destroys 
the  body,  her  ministering  hand  also  guarded  a liberty-loving 
nation  against  that  privation  which  would  slay  the  spirit  if 
the  Providence  of  God  were  not  superior  to  the  malice  of 
foes.  Life  and  Liberty  constitute  the  birthright  of  mankind, 
and  both  are  consecrated  by  religion,  which  teaches  justice 
in  loving-kindness.  Because  you,  who  would  not  be  tenants- 
at-will  of  your  indefeasible  rights,  have  declared  liberty  to 
be  the  fee-simple  of  all  men — because  you  have  generously 
shared  your  treasure  with  all  who  stood  in  need — because 
you  have  magnanimously  ministered  unto  all  who  suffered 
— therefore  the  God  of  liberty  has  exalted  your  name,  en- 
larged your  inheritance,  augmented  your  prosperity,  and 
invoked  upon  your  heads  the  benediction  of  the  earth. 
Wherefore  we  approach  the  august  presence  of  your  majes- 
tic nation  in  order  that  the  voice  of  suffering  Ireland  may 
re-echo  the  Te  Deum  of  victorious  America;  and  that  the 
commingled  anthem  may  ascend  to  the  altar  of  the  Father 
of  mankind,  the  Lord  and  Giver  of  life  and  liberty. 

Mr.  John  Ferguson,  of  Glasgow,  seconded  the  adoption 
of  the  Address,  which  was  carried  by  acclamation. 


LETTERS  AND  OPINIONS 


OF 


EMINENT  AMERICANS 

ON 


THE  IRISH  QUESTION. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 

VIEWS  OF  SENATOR  LOOAN 

“Ireland  Should  Have  a Parliament  in  Fact  and  Not  Merely 
in  Name.” 

Calumet  Place,  Washington 
My  Dear  Sir: — Your  favor  inviting  me  to  an  expres- 
sion upon  the  subject  of  justice  for  Ireland  reached  me  by 
the  due  course  of  mail. 

In  complying  with  your  request  I have  to  premise  the  re- 
mark that  neither  the  observance  of  the  proprieties  of  offi- 
cial station,  nor  the  careful  guarding  of  official  reserve,  can 
under  fair  interpretation  be  held  to  conflict  with  the  open 
expression  of  individual  opinion  upon  any  questions  of  a 
public  nature. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  modern  world  is  greatly  indebted 
to  the  English  people;  that  they  have  fostered  and  assisted 
to  develop  the  arts  and  sciences;  that  they  have  led  in  the 
evolution  of  jurisprudence;  that  they  have  enacted  wise  laws 
and  shone  resplendently  in  the  fields  of  literature;  that  they 
have  quickened  and  promoted  commerce  throughout  the 
globe;  that  their  invention  has  added  to  the  stock  of  useful 
appliances  in  every  avenue  of  life,  public  and  private;  that 
they  have  sent  their  merchant  marine  to  every  sea.  Can 
it  not  as  well  be  said  that  unfortunately  her  merchant  marine 
has  often  been  preceded  by  her  man-of-war,  and  her  diffus- 
ing of  peaceful  commerce  has  frequently  been  accomplished 
behind  wooden  walls  and  iron-cased  vessels  ? 

The  English  nation  has  always  been  great;  it  has  not  as 
constantly  been  just.  Both  in  its  internal  and  external  re- 
lations it  has  frequently  committed  the  act  and  searched  for 


76 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


the  justification  afterward.  It  has  often  been  unjust  to  its 
own  people  and  frequently  oppressive  to  others.  In  its  ad- 
ministration of  its  home  affairs  it  has  restricted  within 
the  narrowest  limits  the  liberty  of  the  masses  and  has  show- 
ered the  benefits  of  life  upon  a favored  class.  In  the  con- 
duct of  its  foreign  relations  the  “ jingo  ” has  overshadowed 
the  statesman,  the  jurist,  and  the  humanitarian.  It  has  ap- 
propriated States  and  absorbed  peoples.  It  has  disregarded 
affinities,  and  has  swallowed  populations  in  defiance  of  nat- 
ural laws. 

In  the  course  of  subsequent  government  it  has  frequently 
failed  to  rule  either  wisely  or  well. 

Its  dealing  with  the  Irish  question  has  not  been  marked 
with  broad  statesmanship,  wise  administration,  nor  due  re- 
gard to  equity,  justice,  or  common  expediency.  The  world 
is  familiar  with  this  fact,  however  the  English  nation  may 
seek  to  blind  itself  to  the  truth.  The  sentiment  and  sym- 
pathy of  all  liberty-loving  people  are  opposed  to  English 
treatment  of  the  Irish  subject.  Americans  by  all  of  their 
traditions,  their  professions,  and  all  of  their  hopes,  must  be 
opposed  to  it. 

It  will  be  in  the  interest  of  national  justice,  as  well  as  to 
the  direct  advantage  of  the  English  people  themselves,  if 
they  can  only  realize  the  general  prevalence  of  this  feeling 
among  the  people  of  this  country. 

Without  entering  more  extensively  into  the  question  than 
the  scope  of  your  letter  will  prescribe,  I have  to  express  the 
conviction  that  the  least,  and  the  very  least,  that  the  English 
Government  can  now  do  in  reparation  of  the  mistakes  and 
wrongs  of  the  past  is  to  grant  a Parliament  to  the  Irish  peo- 
ple. Let  me  not  be  misunderstood.  They  should  have  a 
Parliament  in  fact,  and  not  merely  in  name.  It  should  not 
be  limited  to  the  functions  of  a board  of  supervisors  whose 
powers  are  exhausted  in  the  repairs  of  roads,  bridges,  etc., 
but  should  be  endowed  with  faculties  of  a legislative  body, 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


77 


with  sufficient  scope  to  legislate  upon  internal,  economic, 
and  other  affairs  of  the  State,  so  as  to  give  vitality  to  its 
home  interests,  education  to  its  children,  prosperity  and 
contentment  to  its  people. 

It  is  time  for  the  English  nation,  whose  history  is  embel- 
lished with  many  brilliant  pages,  to  purge  itself  of  selfish- 
ness and  to  cultivate  a strict  regard  for  the  rights  of  com- 
munities, peoples,  and  individuals.  It  has  had  some  hard 
experiences  in  the  past.  By  a continuous  disregard  of  right 
and  justice  England  once  lost  the  territory  of  an  Empire, 
though  the  nations  gained  an  asylum  of  Freedom  thereby. 
So  the  England  of  1776  might  send  a message  to  the  Eng- 
land of  to-day,  and  suggest  that  the  incident  may  not  be 
forgotten.  Very  truly  yours, 

John  A.  Logan, 

U,  S.  Senator  from  Illinois. 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

LETTER  FROM  SENATOR  VAN  WYCK. 

“Nine-tenths  ofi America  Cordially  with  Ireland  as  against 


England.” 


United  States  Senate, 
Washington,  D.C. 


My  Dear  Mr.  Ford: — Many  thanks  for  your  invitation, 
and  many  apologies  for  this  tardy  response,  not,  I assure 
you,  from  lack  of  interest  or  earnest  desire  for  the  success 
of  the  cause  so  dear  to  Americans  and  so  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  the  permanent  peace  and  prosperity  of  Ireland. 

Ireland  should  be  free  to-day,  at  least  to  the  enjoyment 
of  those  rights  wrested  from  her  years  ago,  and  to  the  res- 
toration of  the  land  stolen  by  a despotism  [England]  which 
tolerates  no  equals,  has  no  true  friends,  always  making  vas- 
sals and  slaves  of  the  debtor  nations  of  the  world  with  whom 
she  deals.  Under  the  mask  of  civilization  and  Christianity 
she  increases  the  degree  of  servitude  in  India  and  Egypt; 


78 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


she  nowhere  breaks  the  galling  chains,  only  forcing  them 
from  the  hands  of  native  kings  and  taskmasters  to  hold  them 
more  tightly  in  her  own  sordid  grasp. 

The  hands  on  the  dial  of  human  progress  and  freedom 
move  slowly,  scarcely  to  be  seen,  yet  they  do  move. 

I remember,  in  1868,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  I 
had  occasion  to  make  some  remarks  on  the  duty  we  owed, 
not  so  much  to  Ireland  as  to  ourselves,  by  demanding  that 
England  should  respect  and  recognize  American  citizen- 
ship, whether  claimed  by  native-born  or  naturalized  citizens. 
I spoke  what  I believed  to  be  true  then,  what  I know  to  be 
true  to-day. 

From  then  the  cause  of  Irish  independence  has  moved 
forward.  Nine-tenths  of  the  people  of  America  would  urge 
that  England  shall  no  longer  treat  her  as  a subjugated  prov- 
ince. Irishmen  are  united  at  home.  Every  day  adds  to 
the  advocates  of  her  cause  on  Irish  soil.  Every  victory 
achieved  there  by  her  yeomanry  and  laborers — every  ex- 
tension of  suffrages — will  prove  an  aid  for  Ireland. 

Truly,  you  can  “ Bless  the  Lord  and  take  courage,”  and 
hope  that  Parnell  may  prove  a Moses  to  lead  to  the  deliver- 
ance of  his  people. 

When  sturdy  Englishmen  break  the  bands  of  a wealthy 
aristocracy,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  shall  pre- 
vent wealthy  corporations  from  controlling  legislation  to  the 
injury  of  the  masses  by  ignoring  the  rights  of  labor,  by  just 
so  much  will  the  cause  of  Ireland  be  promoted. 

Power,  aggression,  extortion,  and  wealth  sympathize  with 
each  other,  no  matter  whether  in  an  empire  or  republic;  so 
does  the  cause  of  the  wronged  appeal  to  the  laborer,  the 
yeoman,  the  toiler.  On  either  hemisphere  that  mystic  chord 
binds,  and,  true  as  the  electric  flash,  it  will  carry  the  current 
of  generous  sympathy  around  the  world.  It  is  a continua- 
tion of  the  old  struggle  between  capital  and  labor  that  the 
few  may  absorb  the  earnings  of  the  many. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


79 


This  struggle  will  prevail.  There  may  now  and  then  be 
a truce,  but  no  peace  until  something  nearer  universal  jus- 
tice prevails  on  the  earth 

You  do  right,  Mr.  Ford,  in  appealing  to  the  intelligence, 
the  heart  and  brain  of  America  and  the  world.  In  the  end 
the  right  must  prevail. 

Truly  yours, 

C.  H.  Van  Wyck, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Nebraska. 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 


ENDORSES  ‘‘THE  IRISH  WORLD.” 

“ Mr  Ford,  Consider  me  as  Endorsing  all  you  say  for  Ireland.” 

Senate  Chamber,  Washington. 
My  Dear  Sir: — I have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  your  favor  of  recent  date  in  respect  to  the  cause  of 
Ireland.  Mr.  Ford,  please  consider  me  as  endorsing  and 
echoing  all  you  say  for  Ireland  .in  your  eloquent  letter. 
Publish  your  letter  and  you  will  publish  my  sentiments  better 
than  I can  write  them. 

At  some  future  day  I will  write  you  fully  my  views. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

Yours  very  truly, 

J.  R.  McPherson, 

U.  S.  Se^iator  from  New  fersey. 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 


LETTER  FROM  SENATOR  HALE. 

“ Hopes  for  and  Expects  the  Legislative  Independence  of 
Ireland.” 

Senate  Chamber,  Washington. 
My  Dear  Sir: — I have  received  your  letter  asking  me  for 
an  expression  of  my  views  upon  Ireland  and  the  contest 
which  is  now  being  waged  in  her  behalf. 


80 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


I hope  and  believe  that  out  of  the  present  crisis  in  British 
politics  will  come  the  legislative  independence  of  Ireland. 

It  is  evident  that  many  of  the  leaders  in  England  look 
favorably  upon  this  as  a solution  of  - the  Irish  question,  and 
I hope  that  at  no  distant  day  the  world  may  see  this  accom- 
plished. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Eugene  Hale, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Maine. 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 


PLAIN  WOBDS  FROM  SENATOR  FRYE. 

“ Home  Rule  Unfettered  by  Conditions  or  Limitations.” 

Senate  Chamber,  Washington. 

My  Dear  Sir: — America  as  a colony  of  England  experi- 
enced to  the  full  her  power  of  repression  in  the  interest  of 
commercial  and  manufacturing  supremacy.  The  same  heavy 
hand  was  laid  upon  Ireland,  and  her  growing  industries  were 
deliberately  crushed.  In  our  late  civil  war,  controlled  by 
the  same  spirit,  England  desired  the  dismemberment  of 
the  Republic;  and,  forgetting  her  hatred  of  slavery,  became 
an  ally  of  those  who  sought  to  make  it  perpetual,  while  the 
Irish  were  arrayed  on  the  side  of  freedom  and  fought  for 
the  integrity  of  the  Union  and  the  rights  of  man.  How, 
then,  can  an  American  witness  Ireland’s  long-continued  and 
gallant  struggle  without  earnest  and  sincere  sympathy  ? 

I assure  you.  Sir,  that  I shall  rejoice  and  be  glad  in  this 
New  Year,  if,  before  its  close,  Ireland  shall  enjoy  Home 
Rule  unfettered  by  conditions  and  limitations. 

I am,  very  truly, 

William  P.  Frye, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Maine, 


Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  New  York. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


81 


SENATOR  SAWYER’S  VISION. 

He  Sees  “the  Opening  of  a New  Era  for  the  Irish  People.” 

United  States  Senate,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

My  Dear  Sir: — I have  watched  the  progress  of  the  re- 
cent Parliamentary  elections  in  England  and  Ireland  with  a 
good  deal  of  interest,  and  I am  gratified  that  the  result  is 
the  opening  up  of  a new  era  for  the  Irish  people.  My  hope 
is  that  the  wisdom  of  Ireland’s  statesmen  and  the  intelli- 
gence of  her  people  may  lead  them  on  to  a lasting  prosperity 
as  a reward  for  the  centuries  of  British  misrule  and  cruelty 
so  long  endured. 

Would  that  the  patriot  and  martyr  Emmet  were  alive  to 
rejoice  with  you  at  this  time. 

I am.  Sir,  yours  truly, 

Philetus  Sawyer, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Wisconsin. 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 


SENATOR  VEST’S  OPINION. 

“ The  Idea  of  Freedom  Inseparably  Connected  with  the  Right 
of  a People  to  Govern  Themselves.” 

United  States  Senate.  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
My  Dear  Sir: — The  idea  of  freedom  is  inseparably  con- 
nected with  the  right  of  a people  to  govern  themselves,  and 
the  reverse  of  the  proposition  constitutes  tyranny. 

I sincerely  hope  that  the  Irish  people  may  become  as 
great  and  prosperous  as  they  have  always  shown  themselves 
to  be  brave  and  generous. 

Very  truly,  etc., 

G.  G.  Vest, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Missouri, 
Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  New  York  City. 

6 


82 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


THE  SENIOR  MEMBER  SPEAKS. 

Judge  Kelly  Insists  on  a Parliament  with  Power  to  Revive 
Irish  Industries. 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — England’s  government  of  Ireland  is  a reproach 
to  the  age  in  which  we  live.  Irishmen  should  revive  the  in- 
dustries which  the  infamous  Union  suppressed,  and  demand 
the  right  to  convert  the  varied  raw  material  with  which  their 
country  is  endowed  into  comforts  and  luxuries  for  themselves 
and  for  exportation.  It  is  the  greed  of  English  trade  that  has 
starved  or  banished  so  many  millions  of  people  of  the  most 
enterprising  and  vigorous  race  of  the  Celtic  stock.  The 
agitation  for  Home  Rule  should  be  ceaseless. 

Yours  very  truly, 

William  D.  Kelley, 

M.  C.,  of  Pennsylvania, 


SENATOR  BLAIR’S  OPINIONS. 

“A  Federal  Union,  on  the  American  Principle,  the  Solution 
of  the  Anglo-Irish  Difficulty.” 

United  States  Senate,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

My  Dear  Sir: — Your  note  is  received.  I am  not  sure 
that  I understand  the  Irish  question  so  well  as  I ought  in 
order  to  answer  your  inquiries;  but  it  has  long  seemed  to 
me  that  the  only  practical  solution  of  the  difficulties  which 
exist  between  the  Irish  race,  not  only  in  Ireland  alone,  but 
everywhere,  and  the  English  Government,  is  a Federal 
Union  in  which  Ireland  shall  be  a State,  like  New  York  in 
the  American  system,  and  yet  an  integral  part  of  the  Empire. 

It  cannot  be  reasonably  expected  that  the  British  Empire 
will  submit  to  dismemberment  without  a prolonged  and 
terrible  war.  Neither  do  I see  how  Ireland  can  consent  to 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


83 


separate  from  that  majestic  organization,  the  most  wonder- 
ful known  to  history,  to  whose  existence  and  glory  she  has 
contributed  for  ages  far  more  than  her  own  due  share  of 
intellect,  of  blood,  and  of  patriotic  devotion  in  council  and 
on  the  battle-field  as  well  as  in  every  department  of  indus- 
trial production  and  development  and  in  every  quarter  of 
the  globe.  If  Ireland  herself  should  become  wholly  inde- 
pendent and  isolated  from  the  Empire,  still  the  Empire 
would  remain — an  Irish  Empire,  I had  almost  said,  as  much 
as  it  is  now  an  English  Empire.  Ireland  has  wrought  largely 
in  every  great  deed  of  the  Empire.  More  than  half  the 
Irish  race  of  pure  blood  now  live  elsewhere,  and  immense 
numbers  never  could  separate  from  English  rule  even  if  the 
Mother  Isle  terminate  the  connection.  A separation  would 
reduce  both  Ireland  and  England  to  the  condition  of  de- 
pendencies and  result  in  the  same  evils  to  avoid  the  possi- 
bility of  which  the  American  civil  war  was  fought  to  such  a 
glorious  termination  by  the  armies  of  the  nation.  For  the 
same  reasons  that  the  American  States  remained  a nation, 
and  that  Canada  and  the  United  States  must  yet  become 
the  same  nation,  Ireland  and  England  must  become  and 
must  remain — One. 

But  this  condition  can  never  be  until,  in  all  that  concerns 
her  internal  affairs,  each  is  a separate  State  and  independent 
of  the  other. 

The  remote  provinces  and  colonies  of  the  British  Empire 
will  in  time  become  independent  nations  or  will  unite  with 
contiguous  peoples;  but  Ireland  and  England  will  remain 
one  or  become  nothing,  or  worse  than  nothing.  In  case  of 
war  between  them  each  can  find  allies  enough  to  assist  in 
the  process  of  mutual  destruction  until  it  is  complete.  The 
arm  of  England  in  every  great  war  the  memory  of  which 
rankles  in  the  hearts  of  continental  powers  has  been  the  arm 
of  Ireland  also,  and  the  continent  will  pursue  but  one  real 
policy  in  case  of  war  between  the  two  islands — Divide  and 


84 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


conquer;  conquer,  first  in  the  remote  portions  of  the  earth, 
ultimately  the  rivals  themselves. 

[Senator  Blair  looks  upon  the  British  Empire  as  a 
“ majestic  organization;  ” we  regard  it  as  a blighting  and 
universal  curse.  It  is  indeed  able  to  strike  a grand  and 
imposing  attitude  before  the  nations.  So  does  Satan  in 
Milton’s  epic.  When  a good  reason  is  offered  why  the 
Devil  ought  to  be  adored  for  his  blazing  throne  the  British 
Empire  shall  find  us  among  its  worshipers,  but  not  before. 
True  it  is,  “and  pity  ’tis  ’tis  true,”  Irishr^en  have  aided 
England  in  extending  her  robber  and  murderous  sway  over 
the  world.  It  was,  however,  their  poverty  and  not  their 
will  that  gave  consent.  In  that  shameful  fact  no  honest 
Irishman  glories,  nor  can  an  Irishman  of  patriotic  instinct 
be  found  to-day  to  enroll  himself  under  England’s  piratical 
banner.  Senator  Blair  is  guilty  of  a misnomer  when  he 
speaks  of  England  as  the  “ Mother  Isle.”  It  would  have 
been  as  correct  to  say  that  Rome  was  the  mother  of  Greece 
or  of  Judea.  Ireland’s  nationality  is  older  than  that  of 
England.  This  criticism  is  prompted  by  a spirit  of  candor 
which  still  wears  respect  close  to  its  heart.  Senator  Blair 
is  a most  worthy  gentleman.  To  him  the  friends  of  Labor, 
of  Education,  and  of  Temperance  owe  an  immense  debt  of 
gratitude.  He  is,  besides,  a warm  personal  friend.  He 
has  in  private  letters  been  pleased  to  say  kind  things  of  us; 
and  he  has,  in  Congress  and  out  of  Congress,  expressed 
his  admiration  for  The  Irish  World.  No  personal  friend- 
ship, however,  nor  no  compliments  for  The  Irish  World., 
shall  stand  between  us  and  a correct  idea  of  England’s  in- 
justice and  Ireland’s  right  to  self-government.  Indeed  Mr. 
Blair  himself  contends  for  this  right  within  the  lines  of  the 
present  movement — a right  which,  in  our  opinion,  England 
will  not  concede,  although  England’s  friends  and  apologists 
will  be  pleased  to  read  from  distinguished  Americans  all 
that  is  eulogistic  of  her  empire  and  her  rule. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

Let  England  and  Ireland  recall  the  recollections  of  their 
mutual  interest  and  glory;  and  then  let  England  do  justice 
to  Ireland,  cheerfully  and  completely,  by  giving  to  her  and 
retaining  for  herself  local  autonomy.  Then  will  the  Anglo- 
Irish  Federation  become  peaceful,  prosperous,  powerful. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


85 


and  perpetual.  Any  other  policy  is  destruction  near  or  re- 
mote— and,  at  furthest,  not  very  remote. 

Truly  yours,  Henry  tV.  Blair, 

U,  S.  Senator  froyn  New  Hampshire. 
Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 


SENATOR  DAWES’  OPINION, 

“ Home  Rule  as  Necessary  for  England  to  Give  as  for  Ireland 
to  Obtain.” 

Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Home  Rule  is  the  great  remedy  for  the 
evils  which  afflict  Ireland.  I pray  that  she  may  secure  it. 
It  is  as  necessary  for  England  as  for  her  that  she  obtains  it. 

Yours,  H.  L.  Dawes, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 


FROM  SENATOR  GIBSON. 

“ I See  No  Reason  Why  Ireland  Should  not  be  as  Free  as  New 
York  in  Self-Government. 

Senate  Chamber,  Washington 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  New  York. 

Dear  Sir: — I have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  favor  of  the  14th  inst.  and  to  say  in  reply  that  I 
deeply  sympathize  with  the  efforts  of  all  Irishmen  to  secure 
redress  for  the  centuries  of  wrong  and  injustice  that  Ireland 
has  endured.  I do  not  know  what  particular  measures 
would  be  most  efficacious  to  achieve  this  beneficent  result. 
But  I see  no  reason  why  Ireland  should  not  be  as  free  as 
New  York  or  Virginia  or  Louisiana  in  all  the  essentials  of 
self-government,  nor  any  reason  why  all  enlightened  British 
statesmen  should  not  help  forward  this  good  work. 

Yours  faithfully, 

R.  L.  Gibson, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Louisiana. 


86 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


SENATOR  HOAR’S  PRAYER 

For  the  Overthrow  of  England’s  Iniquitous  Dominion  in 
Ireland. 

Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Sir: — My  sympathies  are  with  Ireland  in  her 
efforts  to  throw  off  a dominion  which  has  crushed  her  for 
centuries  and  had  never  any  lawful  origin. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Geo.  F.  Hoar, 

U.  S.  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 


FROM  MR.  JOHN  V.  L.  FINDLAY. 

Every  Honest  Man,  Especially  Every  American,  Should  he 
on  the  Side  of  Ireland. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — Every  man  familiar  with  the  brutal  treat- 
ment Ireland  has  received  at  the  hands  of  England  through 
centuries  of  oppression,  following  as  the  logical  consequence 
of  forcible  conquest,  must  feel  his  heart  warmed  with  the 
prospect  of  her  final  emancipation.  Still  more  so  will  every 
American  who  believes  in  the  fullest  liberty  applied  by  the 
most  enlightened  system  of  self-government. 

Very  truly  yours, 

John  V.  L.  Findlay. 

M.  C,  of  Maryland. 

[There  are  persons  who  pity  “ poor  Ireland,'’  as  men  pity 
a mendicant,  or  beggar,  as  if  her  misery  were  the  result  of 
a radical  defect  in  the  Irish  character.  Mr.  Findlay,  evi- 
dently, is  not  of  these.  He  sees  that  Ireland’s  wretched- 
ness is  “the  logical  consequence”  of  her  subjection  to 
English  rule.  Until  the  cause  is  removed  the  effect  will 
inevitably  continue  to  manifest  itself. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


87 


HOW  MR.  MORRISON  LOOKS  AT  IT. 

“ Ireland’s  Cause  To-Day  and  America’s  a Century  Ago  Essen- 
tially One.” 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir:^ — You  are  correct  in  believing  me  in  sympathy 
with  the  Irish  race  resisting  conquest  and  extermination. 

The  cause  of  Ireland  to-day  is  very  like  ours  of  a century 
ago.  So  our  people,  the  friends  of  political  and  religious 
liberty,  regard  it,  and  our  sympathies  go  along  with  it. 

Respectfully  yours. 

W.  R.  Morrison, 

M,  C.yOf  Illinois, 


SENATOR  STANFORD  SUGGESTS 

That  the  British  Empire  be  Governed  on  a System  Modeled 
after  that  of  the  United  States. 

United  States  Senate,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — The  Irish  question  is  too  great  a one  to  be 
discussed  without  careful  preparation.  I shall  not  attempt, 
therefore,  to  discuss  it  in  this  short  letter,  which  is  merely 
intended  to  convey  my  friendly  feelings  towards  yourself 
and  your  people. 

The  general  principle  upon  which  I should  like  to  see 
Ireland  and  the  whole  British  Empire  governed  is  one  based 
upon  County,  State,  and  National  Government,  after  our 
own  system,  with  such  imperial  representation  as  would 
make  the  different  provinces  and  colonies  of  Great  Britain 
integral  parts  of  the  whole. 

As  to  the  immediate  relief  of  the  Irish  people  I cannot 
•see  any  but  that  which  may  be  brought  about  by  diversified 


88 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


labor.  It  seemed  to  me  when  I was  in  Ireland  that  the 
people  were  too  much  attached  to  agricultural  pursuits. 
The  extent  of  their  territory  is  not  sufficient  to  provide  this 
kind  of  labor  for  all.  In  consequence  of  the  improvement 
in  transportation  the  agriculturist  of  Ireland  is  to-day  in 
direct  competition  with  the  agriculturist  in  all  portions  of 
the  civilized  world. 

[Senator  Stanford  is  right  when  he  suggests  “diversified 
labor”  for  Ireland,  but  he  is  wrong  in  leaving  it  to  be  in- 
ferred that  the  absence  of  this  is  the  fault  of  the  Irish  people 
and  not  the  jealousy  and  greed  of  England.  Ireland  now 
demands  a Parliament  that  will  develop  her  resources  and 
protect  her  industries;  but  an  Irish  Parliament  having  this 
object  in  view  England  will  not  give  while  she  has  the  power 
to  withhold  it. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

Should  the  change  to  more  diversified  labor  be  too  slow 
to  give  the  immediate  relief  that  is  needed,  then  I would 
suggest  emigration.  It  would  be  an  easy  solution  of  the 
present  difficulty  for  so  many  of  the  Irish  people  to  emigrate 
to  America  as  to  leave  no  more  at  home  than  could  obtain 
constant  and  profitable  employment. 

[Irish  emigration,  or  extermination  in  some  form,  is  the 
remedy  ever  advised  by  the  quack  statesmen  and  rogues  of 
England.  The  rooting  out  of  this  people  has  been  going 
on  for  centuries.  No  country  in  the  world  in  the  same 
space  of  time  has  lost  so  large  a proportion  of  its  popula- 
tion; yet  Ireland  has  not  become  prosperous.  This  game 
is  “ played  out.”  The  Irish  must  take  firm  possession  of 
the  land  which  the  Lord  God  gave  to  them;  and  if  there  is 
to  be  any  more  emigration  it  is  the  land-thieves  and  the 
English  garrison,  with  all  their  attendant  evils,  that  should 
emigrate. — Ed.  I.  W]. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Lkland  Stanford, 

U,  S.  Senator  from  California, 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


89 


A TRUE  AMERICAN. 

“Any  Demand  of  the  Irish  Looking  to  Self-Government,  or 
Ultimate  Independence,  has  my  best  Wishes. 

House  of  Representatives  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

My  Dear  Sir: — I feel  now  and  have  always  felt  a deep 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  and  I rejoice  to-day  that 
the  signs  of  the  times  indicate  a change  in  public  opinion 
in  England  toward  that  unfortunate  country.  Wherever  a 
people  is  struggling  for  liberty,  nationality,  equal  rights,  or 
self-government  in  any  possible  form,  I am  unalterably  on 
their  side. 

The  “ crimes  of  Ireland,’’  about  which  we  heard  some 
years  ago  so  much,  made  no  unfavorable  impression  upon 
my  mind;  for  I think  I see  behind  the  desperate  struggles 
of  the  last  few  years  the  cause  of  Irish  discontent  and  such 
seeming  disregard  of  law  and  order  as  has  been  occasionally 
manifested  in  that  country.  I place  the  responsibility  for 
the  misgovernment  of  Ireland  at  the  door  of  the  British 
nation.  It  has  discriminated  against  Ireland  in  the  matter 
of  education.  It  has  enacted  laws  which  have  destroyed 
the  industries  of  Ireland.  Its  intolerable  system  of  land 
tenure  has  placed  upon  the  Irish  people  a load  more  in- 
tolerable than  the  decree  of  “ bricks  without  straw  ” issued 
by  the  famous  King  of  Egypt.  Hence,  the  successes  of 
Mr.  Parnell,  the  election  of  eighty-six  members  of  Parlia- 
ment favorable  to  him,  the  vacillating  concessions  of  Mr. 
Gladstone,  with  the  change  of  public  opinion  as  manifested 
in  the  press  of  England  and  America,  are  all  signs  of  the 
time  which  I hail  with  joy. 

I have  no  opinion  in  detail  as  to  what  should  be  done  or 
not  done  for  Ireland.  But  any  demand  which  her  patriotic 
people  may  make  looking  to  self-government  and,  if  possi- 


90 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


ble,  ultimate  independence  will  receive  my  best  wishes  for 
their  success. 

I do  not  shut  out  from  the  present  consideration  of  this 
subject  the  memory  that  I have  of  the  dark  days  of  our  own 
war.  Ireland  was  without  a national  government  to  make 
an  expression  of  opinion,  but  her  sons  everywhere  were  our 
friends.  England  was  not  without  a national  government, 
and  her  national  utterances,  the  voice  of  her  press,  and  her 
influence  among  the  nations  was  in  favor  of  slavery,  and 
her  prayer  was  for  the  dismemberment  of  this  Union.  Thus 
she  hypocritically  turned  her  back  upon  her  pretence  of  love 
of  liberty  for  the  slave  and  her  record  of  protest  against 
slavery  among  the  American  people,  and  sought  by  moral 
aid  and  by  material  strength,  contributed  in  violation  of  in- 
ternational law  and  good  faith,  in  every  form  to  aid  the 
Southern  Confederacy  to  build  up  a nationality  upon  a struc- 
ture the  corner-stone  of  which  was  to  be  African  slavery. 
When  that  power  and  that  influence  struggles  with  any 
nation  these  thoughts  come  crowding  upon  me;  and  now, 
when  she  has  a contest  with  liberty-loving  Ireland,  I can  at 
least  stand  upon  American  soil,  and  under  the  American  flag, 
made  free  in  spite  of  England,  and  pray  that  the  Green  Isle 
may  be  rid  of  her  despotism  and  her  unequal  legislation. 

Yours  truly, 

C.  H.  Grosvenor, 

M.  C.,  of  Ohio. 

FROM  CHARLES  N.  BRUMM. 

A Believer  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  He  Must 
Sympathize  With  the  Cause  of  Irish  Independence. 

House  of  Representatives,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
Mr.  Patrick  I^'ord,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — As  I am  a firm  believer  in  the  doctrine  that 
men  are  created  etpial  ” and  have  “ certain  inalienable 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


91 


rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,’'  and  believing  that  '‘'‘all  governments  derive 
their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,”  I 
would  not  be  true  to  myself  if  I did  not  heartily  sympathize 
with  the  great  and  gallant  Parnell  and  his  coadjutors  in 
their  noble  struggle  in  behalf  of  an  oppressed  and  down- 
trodden people.  May  God  speed  them  ! 

Yours  truly, 

Charles  N.  Brumm, 

M,  C.,  of  Pennsylvania. 


FROM  O’NEILL  OF  MISSOURI. 

“ The  Son  of  an  Irish  Exile,  I Join  with  the  Men  of  My  Race 
for  Ireland’s  Deliverance.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — The  son  of  an  Irish  exile,  I join  with  the 
men  of  my  race  in  the  hope  that  Ireland’s  deliverance  is 
near  at  hand. 

The  marvelous  unanimity  and  moderation  of  the  Irish 
people  in  their  appeal  to  England  for  legislative  indepen- 
dence merits  the  active  sympathy  and  support  of  every  lover 
of  human  freedom. 

I believe  the  blind  prejudice  which  has  in  the  past  con- 
trolled English  statesmen  in  their  dealings  with  Ireland  is 
gradually  disappearing,  and  that  they  have  learnt  the  futility 
of  a system  which  has  made  every  man  of  Irish  blood  a 
bitter  enemy  of  British  rule,  when  the  opposite  policy  of 
confidence  and  kindness  would  have  gained  their  friendship. 

Appreciating  your  noble  and  untiring  efforts  on  behalf  of 
Ireland,  I have  the  honor  to  remain,  yours  truly, 

John  J.  O’Neill, 

M,  C.y  of  Missouri. 


92 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  SWINBURNE. 

“The  American  Who  Refuses  Sympathy  to  Ireland  is  but 
Little  Better  than  a Selfish  Ingrate.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  Wo^Id. 

Dear  Sir: — The  Irish  people,  in  their  great  struggles  to 
secure  a voice  in  their  government  and  to  establish  Ireland 
as  a nation,  challenge  the  admiration  of  all  lovers  of  liberty, 
and  should  receive  the  warmest  sympathies  as  well  as  the 
practical  and  moral  support  of  all  who  enjoy  the  great  bless- 
ings they  are  struggling  to  attain.  I read  of  but  one  in- 
stance where  a greater  Sacrifice  was  offered  than  by  this 
people — the  memorable  occasion  where  on  Calvary  the 
Sacrifice  was  made  which  offered  liberty  to  the  human  race 
Of  course,  no  such  sacrifice  as  that  can  ever  again  be  offered; 
yet  history  proves  that  all  through  life,  whether  of  nations 
or  of  individuals,  liberty  among  men  is  not  a gift  freely 
offered  by  human  rulers,  but  can  be  secured  only  by  greater 
or  lesser  sacrifices  and  self-denial. 

Aside  from  the  inherited  feelings  towards  the  Irish  race, 
and  the  knowledge  that  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  be  born 
in  a land  where  liberty  sits  exalted  in  the  highest  place  and 
dispenses  her  blessings  to  all,  I have  other  reasons  for  ex- 
tending my  warmest  sympathy  to  the  Irish  nation.  The 
picture  of  this  oppressed  people,  whose  every  impulse  is 
generous,  whose  bravery  is  unquestioned,  and  from  among 
whom  the  most  brilliant  orators  and  learned  philosophers 
have  sprung,  contending  for  seven  hundred  years  with  an 
exacting  oppressor  and  transmitting  an  intensifying  love  of 
nationality  down  through  the  centuries,  from  one  generation 
to  another,  is  a spectacle  unsurpassed  in  the  records  of  time. 

To  me  it  seems  remarkable  and  appears  almost  as  a de- 
lusion that  any  people  could  be  so  forbearing  as  the  Irish, 
and  endure  as  they  have  endured.  On  every  field  and  in 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


93 


every  clime  where  the  British  flag  has  waved  Irish  troops 
have  been  called  to  defend  it,  and  in  the  four  quarters  of 
the  globe  everywhere  are  the  graves  of  Irishmen  whose  lives 
were  given  that  the  British  Empire  might  be  built  up  and 
extended,  and  the  avarice  of  their  English  rulers  for  territory 
and  wealth  be  satisfied.  [To  the  everlasting  disgrace  of  the 
Irish  name  the  statement  here  made  is  too  true;  yet  it  is 
true  also  to  say  that  to  the  poverty  and  ignorance  conse- 
quent on  Ireland’s  servitude,  and  not  to  any  innate  evil 
tendency  of  the  Irish  mind,  is  the  humiliating  fact  trace- 
able. The  folly  of  the  Irish,  however,  does  not  excuse 
English  ingratitude.  The  English  have  proved  themselves 
to  be  thieves  without  honor.  It  is  well  ! Thank  God  it  is 
so  ! Had  it  been  otherwise — had  England  divided  with  the 
Irish  the  loot  of  her  piratical  engagements — the  Irish  now 
might  be  a willing  support  of  the  wicked  British  Empire. — 
Ed.  I.  W.]  But  never  in  return  has  Ireland  been  offered  or 
allowed  to  claim  God’s  free  and  great  gift  to  man — Liberty. 
Reflecting  on  these  things  I would  be  less  than  human  to 
withhold  at  this  time  a word  of  encouragement,  or  close  my 
lips  and  refuse  to  give  utterance  to  the  promptings  of  my 
heart  that  God  may  bless  and  give  liberty  to  Ireland. 

I see  and  admire  in  this  conflict  between  the  Irish  patriots 
and  their  English  rulers  a grand  picture  in  the  great  drama 
of  life,  and  one  that  must  end  in  a scene  eclipsing  all  in  the 
past,  although  it  may  not  be  achieved  without  a still  greater 
sacrifice. 

Within  the  last  century,  and  indeed  since  the  tree  of  liberty 
was  planted  and  took  root  on  this  continent  and  gave  us  the 
land  of  the  free,  there  have  been  three  great  struggles  be- 
tween Ireland  and  England.  The  first  led  by  Henry 
Grattan,  the  second  by  Daniel  O’Connell,  and  the  third, 
perhaps  the  grandest,  is  now  being  fought  by  one  of  the 
greatest  men  of  his  day,  Charles  Stewart  Parnell.  In  all 
these  conflicts  the  weak  and  struggling  nation  has  had  the 


94 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


sympathy  and  endorsement  of  all  who  enjoyed  freedom. 
When  Grattan  was  the  leader  sympathy  was  limited  because 
liberty  was  enjoyed  by  few,  but  the  number  steadily  in- 
creased so  that  a greater  moral  force  was  given  to  O’Connell, 
and  now  at  least  one  hundred  millions  of  people  enjoying 
liberty  in  America  and  France  send  to  Parnell  and  the  Irish 
people  a sympathy  that  cannot  but  help  them  to  the  con- 
summation of  the  long-sought  right  to  a part  in  forming 
their  own  government. 

You  say  the  people  of  Ireland  look  for  sympathy  to  the 
land  of  Washington.  It  is  but  natural,  just,  and  right  they 
should  do  so;  and  the  American  who  would  refuse  that 
sympathy  could  scarcely  be  called  less  than  a selfish  ingrate. 
Wherever  the  tree  of  liberty  has  been  planted  throughout 
the  world  Irishmen  have  rendered  noble  service  in  culti- 
vating it,  and  helping  to  so  thoroughly  root  it  that  no  storms 
will  ever  be  able  to  uproot  it,  at  least  on  this  continent. 

Liberty  in  America  is  now  an  established  fact;  but  there 
was  a time  when  it  was  but  a tender  plant,  an  untried  ex- 
periment, and  when  desperate  efforts  were  made  by  Ireland’s 
present  oppressor  to  crush  the  tender  life  in  its  infancy.  It 
was  then  the  inborn  and  natural  instinct  of  Irishmen’s  love 
for  liberty  was  so  manifested  that  they  were  not  to  be  trusted 
by  their  British  rulers  with  the  task  of  subjugating  the  men 
who  were  fighting  for  liberty  of  conscience  and  the  es- 
tablishing of  the  free  government  we  now  enjoy. 

I feel  that  already  this  letter  is  much  too  long,  and  yet 
have  said  but  a moiety  of  what  I desire  to  express  my  feel- 
ings, and  can  only  conclude  by  adding  my  earnest  hope  that 
I may  live  to  see  Ireland  ruled  by  Irishmen  in  a united  and 
free  nation,  enjoying  the  prosperity  and  happiness  such  an 
era  would  bring  to  the  land  of  the  shamrock. 

Yours  truly, 

John  Swinburne, 

M.  C.y  of  Neiv  York. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


95 


RINGING  CHEERS  FROM  McADOO. 

Gratitude  to  Ireland  and  Love  of  Republican  Liberty  Demand 
Our  Sympathy  for  Her  Cause. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  T/ie  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — The  Irish  people  throughout  the  world 
have  achieved  the  greatest  of  victories.  They  have  wrung 
from  stolid,  stubborn,  selfish  England  the  admission  that 
all  questions  for  her  are  absorbed  in  the  all-pervading — and 
I hope  all-prevailing — Irish  question. 

After  seven  hundred  years  of  open  or  smouldering  war- 
fare, robbed,  despoiled,  and  unarmed,  they  have  by  their 
phenomenal  devotion  and  unparalleled  and  intelligent  patri- 
otism compelled  braggart  and  boastful  England  to  admit  at 
the  bar  of  universal  opinion  her  guilty  conduct  towards 
Ireland. 

From  this  admission  neither  Tory  nor  Whig  can  ever  suc- 
cessfully recede. 

The  Times  may  thunder  and  the  London  Post  scream, 
but  English  tyranny  and  Irish  landlordism  are  dead  or  dying 
in  Ireland. 

I do  not  anticipate  a sweeping  and  immediate  victory. 
In  fact,  the  real  battle  now  begins.  In  this  greatest  contest 
of  modern  times  the  United  States  is  from  sentiment  and 
political  and  national  interest  vitally  concerned. 

We  are  in  closer  relations  with  Ireland  than  any  other 
nation  in  Europe. 

Gratitude  to  Ireland  and  love  of  republican  liberty  place 
our  undivided  sympathies  with  her  people  and  their  cause. 

Our  national  interests  are  injured  by  every  day  of  English 
misgovernment  in  Ireland. 

We  are  compelled  to  save  alive,  at  enormous  cost,  the 
victims  of  her  fettered  industries  and  stolen  land. 

Charles  S.  Parnell  is  the  most  interesting,  successful. 


96 


THE  SrOR  Y OF  IRE  LA  HE. 


statesman-like,  and  historic  character  of  our  age.  In  the 
dim  recesses  of  futurity  his  story  will  seem  mythical  from 
the  splendor  of  his  achievements. 

All  Ireland  the  world  over  should  now  rally  as  one  man 
to  his  support.  All  Americans  will  watch  eagerly  every 
move  in  the  coming  conflict.  Victory  may  not  come  for  a 
few  years,  but  the  sun  is  rising  now.  Gladstone  can  see 
this  and  will  admit  it  just  as  far  as  he  dare,  and  yet  hold 
the  AVhigs. 

I want  to  be  present  at  the  opening  of  the  coming  Irish 
Parliament.  What  an  occasion  that  will  be,  to  be  sure  ! 
Of  all  men  Patrick  Ford  should  be  there,  and,  if  he  were 
living,  the  late  lamented  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  should  be 
present  and,  if  allowable,  administer  the  oath  of  office  to  the 
Speaker  of  the  Irish  Commons. 

In  the  meantime  let  us  work. 

Very  truly  yours, 

W.  McAdoo, 

M.  C.y  of  New  Jersey. 


FROM  SENATOR  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

\P resident  of  the  United  States  Senate, \ 

‘‘  The  People  of  the  United  States  Naturally  Sympathize  with 
Any  Part  of  Our  Kindred  and  Especially  with  the  People 
of  Ireland.” 

Vice  President’s  Chamber,  ) 
Washington,  Feb.  19,  1886.  j 

Hr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — In  response  to  your  letter  I can  only  ex- 
press the  hope  that  the  present  condition  of  affairs  in  Great 
Britain  will  enable  the  Irish  people,  represented  in  Parlia- 
ment, as  they  are,  by  an  almost  unanimous  delegation  in 
favor  of  Home  Rule,  to  secure  from  the  British  Government 
such  substantial  concessions  as  will  lead  to  a peaceful  solu- 
tion of  the  Irish  problem. 

I assume  that  their  great  object  is  to  have  control  of  their 


OPimONS  OP  EMINENT  AMERICANS 


97 


home  affairs;  that  local  laws  affecting  the  disposition  and 
sale  of  land,  the  rights  of  tenants  and  landlords,  the  per- 
sonal liberty  of  citizens,  and  the  domestic  relations  of  life, 
should  be  enacted  by  a Parliament  elected  by  the  people  of 
Ireland. 

I hope  that  the  Liberal  party  in  England  is  able  and  will- 
ing to  yield  such  concessions  as  will  redress  what  appear 
to  me  well-founded  complaints  against  local  administration 
by  non-residents  and  local  laws  by  the  British  Parliament. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  are  attached  to  a form 
of  government  which  provides  a strong  government  for 
national  purposes  and  State  governments  for  local  purposes; 
and  we  naturally  sympathize  with  any  part  of  our  kindred 
in  the  mother  country  in  any  effort  to  secure  the  blessings 
that  we  enjoy,  and  especially  with  the  people  of  Ireland, 
who  now  make  an  earnest  appeal  for  the  rights  of  local  self- 
government. 

I had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Mr.  Parnell  when  he  was 
in  America  some  years  since,  and  was  strongly  impressed 
with  the  sincerity  of  his  convictions  and  the  moderation  of 
his  demands,  and  earnestly  hope  that  he  and  his  associates 
may  peacefully  accomplish  their  desire. 

Very  truly  yours, 

John  Sherman. 

[What  is  specially  noteworthy  about  these  letters  is  that 
the  writers,  without  a single  exception,  are  in  favor  of  self  ■ 
government  for  Ireland;  some  favoring  federal  arrangement 
between  England  and  Ireland,  whilst  others  declare  boldly 
for  absolute  independence.  Among  the  former  is  Senator 
Sherman.  The  similarity  which  the  Senator  seems  to  see 
between  the  United  States  and  the  United  Kingdom,  so- 
called,  does  not  exist  in  fact.  The  thirteen  colonies,  which 
now  constitute  this  country,  grew  into  a common  nationality, 
simultaneously.  They  were  knit  into  one  body,  so  to  speak, 
in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  biology.  Even  anterior  to 
the  Revolution  they  used  to  come  together  to  take  counsel 
with  a view  to  common  action.  In  the  war  for  Independence 
7 


98 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE LA  HE. 


this  unity  of  sentiment  was  intensified  and  assumed  govern- 
mental form,  which  was  improved  under  the  Confederation 
and  made  perfect  under  the  existing  Constitution.  These 
are  the  stages  of  our  national  development.  No  such 
parallel  can  be  established  between  England  and  Ireland. 
Ireland  was  a nation  two  thousand  years  ago;  three  centuries 
of  the  history  of  Europe  belongs  to  her  golden  epoch;  and 
to-day,  with  sharply  defined  geographical  boundary  lines 
which  individualize  her  on  the  physical  map  of  the  earth, 
with  well-preserved  traditions  unknown  to  her  enemy,  and 
cherishing  hopes  and  aspirations  with  which  that  enemy  has 
no  sympathy  and  which  England  would  extinguish  if  it  were 
in  her  power,  Ireland  is  a distinct  country  as  her  population 
are  a distinct  people  from  England  and  the  English.  Brute 
force  wrecked  the  fabric  of  Irish  nationality,  but  the  soul 
of  that  nationality  still  lives.  Ireland  is  not  striving  to 
secede  from  a union  of  which  she  once  was  a voluntary 
member;  she  merely  aspires  to  be  what  God  made  her,  and 
to  regain  the  place  which  God  designed  for  her.  The  ele- 
ments of  a common  nationality  and  the  bond  of  a true 
union  never  existed  between  England  and  Ireland.  As 
Lord  Lyndhurst  truly  remarked  in  the  British  House  of 
Commons,  the  two  peoples  are  alien  each  to  the  other. 
England  herself,  notwithstanding  Castlereagh’s  “United 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,”  has  ever  treated 
Ireland  as  a distinct  country  and  the  Irish  as  a distinct 
people.  So  be  it.  What  God  has  kept  apart  let  not  man 
try  to  join  together.  Yet  though  distinct  and  apart  there 
ought  not  to  be  any  natural  antagonism  between  the  two. 
England  and  Ireland  as  neighbors,  each  developing  her  own 
resources  and  enjoying  her  own  rights,  can  live  side  by  side 
in  amity;  in  a forced  union  there  will  never  be  peace. — 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  STORM. 

How  all  True  Americans  Feel. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — The  struggle  of  a brave  and  chivalrous  people 
for  independence  must  touch  every  true  American  heart. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


99 


I feel  a deep  sympathy  for  the  Irish  people  in  their  fight 
for  liberty  and  independence.  May  God  speed  the  cause 
and  crown  their  efforts  with  success. 

Yours  truly, 

John  B.  Storm. 

M.  C, , of  Pennsylvania. 

[Yes,  let  it  go  forth  again,  and  yet  again,  that  “every 
true  American  heart  ” sympathizes  with  the  cause  of  Ire- 
land. This  cause  is  not  merely  the  cause  of  “ liberty  and 
independence.’'  It  is  the  cause  of  law  and  order,  too.  It  is 
the  cause  of  Right.  It  is  the  cause  of  God  himself.  Hence 
it  is  truly  meet  to  say,  “ May  God  speed  the  cause  and 
crown  the  efforts  of  those  laboring  for  it  with  success.” — 
Ed,  I.  W.] 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  HALL. 

Doesn’t  Feel  Like  Venturing  an  Opinion  as  to  the  Means,  but 
is  Willing  to  Trust  Parnell  and  Archbishop  Croke. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  f 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — My  sympathies  have  always  been  with 
the  people  of  Ireland  in  their  struggles  for  liberty.  I do 
not  feel  like  venturing  an  opinion  as  to  the  best  means  for 
the  attainment  of  that  end;  but  the  trusty  leaders  of  Irish 
sentiment  and  opinion,  such  men  as  Parnell  and  Archbishop 
Croke,  can  be  safely  depended  on. 

Truly  yours, 

John  B.  Hall. 

M.  C,  2nd  Missouri  District. 

[The  influence  wielded  by  Parnell  and  Archbishop  Croke, 
great  as  it  is,  will  be  made  stronger  by  the  confidence  ex- 
pressed in  Mr.  Hall’s  letter  and  implied  in  all  the  others. — 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


100 


THE  STORY  OF  IRE  LA  HD, 


FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  COOPER. 

“ I am  Proud  to  Say  that  I am  Kindred  in  Blood  with 
the  Irish.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — I assure  you  that  the  Irish  people,  with  whom 
I am  proud  to  say  I am  kindred  in  blood,  have  my  profound 
sympathy  in  the  gallant  and  I trust  successful  struggle  they 
are  making  under  the  splendid  leadership  of  Mr.  Parnell  for 
the  restoration  of  their  national  rights. 

Yours  very  truly, 

W.  C.  Cooper, 

M.  C.y  of  Ohio, 

[The  struggle  of  the  Irish  people  for  the  recovery  of  their 
rights  is  indeed  a gallant  struggle;  and  with  God's  blessing, 
and  America’s  help,  material  and  moral,  it  will  be  a success- 
ful one.— Ed.  I.  W.] 

FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  HOUK. 

“ A Friend  to  the  Cause  of  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

My  Dear  Sir: — On  “The  Irish  Question”  my  sym- 
pathies have  always  heretofore  been,  and  are  now,  with  Mr. 
Parnell  and  his  associates  in  favor  of  “Home  Rule,”  and 
all  that  the  phrase  logically  implies. 

1 am  a friend  to  the  cause  of  Ireland, 

L.  C.  Houk, 

Af.  C.y  of  Tennessee. 

[One  thing  specially  noteworthy  of  these  letters  is  the 
intrinsic  evidence  of  their  sincerity.  Congressman  Houk, 
like  Senator  Logan,  wants  for  Ireland  a Parliament  in  fact 
and  not  merely  in  name.  He  is  “ in  favor  of  Home  Rule 
and  all  tliat  the  phrase  logically  implies.” — Ed.  I.  W.] 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


101 


EEPRESENTATIVE  PETERS’  VIEW. 

The  Sooner  England  Permits  the  Irish  to  Manage  Their  Own 
Affairs  the  Better  for  England  Herself. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — My  sympathies  and  my  hopes  are  with  Ire- 
land. She  deserves  and  should  have  a government  of  her 
own,  and  the  sooner  England  places  her  upon  the  same 
footing  as  Canada  the  better  it  will  be  for  the  security  of 
“England’s  throne.”  My  admiration  for  Mr,  Parnell  has 
been  largely  increased  during  the  recent  contest,  and  I be- 
lieve his  judicious  leadership  will  secure  the  result  so  long 
desired  by  the  friends  of  the  Irish  race. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

S.  R.  Peters, 

M,  C.  of  Kansas. 

[English  statesmen  persuaded  themselves  that  by  exter- 
minating the  Irish  race  they  would  solve  the  Irish  problem 
to  their  satisfaction.  Hence  their  policy  of  eviction  and 
“assisted  emigration.”  There  is  a difference,  however, 
between  displace^nerit  and  a7mihilatio7i.  There  is  a Greater 
Ireland  on  this  side  of  the  ocean,  and  this  Greater  Ireland 
is  a greater  danger  to  England’s  empire  than  that  beyond 
the  water.  Yes,  Mr.  Peters,  the  sooner  E^iglafid  permits  the 
Irish  to  ma7iage  their  ow7i  affairs  the  better  it  will  be  for 
E7igla7id  herself.  It  looks  as  if  this  idea  was  beginning  to 
dawn  upon  the  English  statesmen  themselves. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


CONGRESSMAN  WORTHINGTON. 

“ Every  True  American  Sympathizes  with  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — Every  true  American  sympathizes  with  Ire- 
land in  her  struggle  for  Home  Rule,  and  earnestly  hopes 


102 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


that  through  just  and  speedy  legislation  her  heroic  efforts 
may  be  crowned  with  that  full  and  ample  success  which  her 
patriotism  and  perseverance  so  richly  merit. 

Very  truly  yours, 

N.  E.  Worthington, 

M.  C.,  of  Illinois. 

[Important  as  is  pecuniary  aid  to  the  Irish  cause,  the 
cheering  declaration  made  by  the  representative  men  of  the 
Republic,  viz.,  that  '‘'‘Every  true  American  sympathizes  with 
Ireland^''  again  and  again  repeated  in  these  letters  from 
Congress,  is,  if  possible,  even  of  more  value.  This  brave 
recognition  is  itself  the  cause  of  much  of  the  material  aid 
now  afforded. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  COMPTON. 

Tenders  His  Earnest  Sympathy,  Lively  Hope,  and  Best  Wishes. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Permit  me  to  tender  the  expression  to 
you,  Mr.  Ford,  a champion  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  a 
long-oppressed  people,  of  my  earnest  sympathy,  lively  hope, 
and  best  wishes  for  the  early  dawn  of  a day  when  Ireland 
and  Irishmen  shall  enjoy  the  liberties  and  independence 
they  have  so  long  struggled  for  and  so  richly  and  justly 
merit.  I am  very  respectfully  yours, 

Barnes  Compton, 

M.  C,  of  Maryland. 

[Mr.  Compton  will  please  accept  our  thanks  for  his  kindly 
personal  compliment.  The  best  years  of  our  manhood 
have  been  given  to  the  advancement  of  the  Irish  cause;  yet 
at  our  best  we  feel  we  have  done  but  our  duty.  Our  special 
effort  has  been,  and  is,  to  base  the  claims  of  Ireland  on 
American  principles,  as  set  forth  in  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence; and  it  is  from  this  point  of  view  we  have  so- 
licited expressions  of  sympathy  for  Ireland  from  the  repre- 
sentative men  of  the  Republic. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


103 


FROM  NELSON  DINGLEY,  JR. 

If  England  is  Wise  She  Will  Grant  Home  Rule. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — I am  heartily  in  sympathy  with  the  move- 
ment for  Home  Rule,  and  regard  it  not  only  just  and  proper 
but  as  the  true  solution  of  the  Irish  question  on  the  part  of 
England. 

Very  truly  yours. 

Nelson  Dingley,  Jr., 

M.  C,  of  Maine. 

[Yes,  if  England  is  wise  she  will  grant  the  Home  Rule 
that  Parnell  now  demands  in  the  accents  of  peace,  and  she 
will  grant  it  without  delay. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


REPRESENTATIVE  CONGER’S  FAITH. 

“ The  Irish  People  have  My  Heartiest  Sympathy.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — The  Irish  people  have  my  heartiest  sympathy, 
and  the  brave  men  who  are  leading  in  their  fight  my  sin- 
cere admiration. 

If  Parnell  and  his  lieutenants  make  no  mistake  in  the 
work  immediately  before  them,  I believe  the  early  emanci- 
pation of  this  long-suffering  people  will  be  assured. 

Very  respectfully, 

E.  H.  Conger, 

M.  C.,  of  Iowa. 

[Parnell  will  make  no  mistake  unless  he  permits  himself 
to  be  enervated  by  the  blandishments  of  England,  who  is 
now  forced  sternly  to  face  a question  which  until  now  she 
has  contemptuously  refused  even  to  consider.  But  Eng- 
land will  make  a mistake  if  she  does  not  accede  to  Parnell’s 


104 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


terms.  Failing  in  that,  she  will  have  to  reckon  with  forces 
who  have  no  faith  whatever  in  her,  and  who  believe  the 
destruction  of  her  empire  would  be  a joy  to  the  angels  in 
heaven  and  a blessing  to  the  world. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  HALSELL. 

“Hopes  Ireland’s  Flag  will  soon  Float  High  in  the  Vanguard 
of  Nations.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — God  grant  Ireland  a safe  deliverance  from 
the  tyranny  of  her  masters.  Her  blood  and  genius  have 
illustrated  the  annals  of  half  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
there  is  a sympathetic  chord  in  every  honest  man’s  heart 
which  vibrates  to  the  hope  that  Ireland  may  be  free,  and 
that  her  flag  may  again  float  high  in  the  vanguard  of  liberty 
and  the  whole  world. 

■ Yours  truly,  . 

John  E.  Halsell, 

M.  C.y  of  Kentucky. 

[The  blood  which  Irishmen  have  shed  in  building  up  and 
extending  the  pirate  empire  of  England  had  done  better 
service  in  manuring  turnips.  It  was  worse  than  wasted. 
7"he  services  which  men  of  the  Irish  race  have  rendered  to 
America  are  to  their  everlasting  honor.  The  sacrifices 
which  they  have  made  for  liberty  in  Ireland,  “ though  baffled 
oft,”  have  not  been  in  vain.  If  Ireland’s  flag  shall  ever 
“ float  high  in  the  vanguard  of  liberty  and  before  the  whole 
world,”  it  will  be  due  not  merely  to  the  men  who  shall  have 
the  honor  of  closing  the  contest,  but  to  those  faithful  ones 
as  well  whose  labors  in  good  report  and  in  evil  report  have 
continued  the  struggle,  and  have  rendered  it  possible  for 
others  after  them  to  crown  the  work  with  glory. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


105 


FROM  MR.  MILO  WHITE. 

“ The  Long  Night  of  Irish  Oppression  Seems  Nearly  Past.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — The  long  night  of  Irish  oppression  seems 
nearly  past.  Let  all  friends  of  human  liberty,  justice,  and 
free  government  join  in  strengthening  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Parnell  and  aid  in  one  of  the  greatest  triumphs  in  modern 
times.  Respectfully, 

Milo  White, 

M,  C.y  of  Minnesota. 

[Yes,  not  only  all  Irishmen,  but  all  the  friends  of  human 
liberty,  should  join  in  making  the  success  of  the  Irish  cause 
“one  of  the  greatest  triumphs  of  modern  times.’' — Ed.  I.  W.] 

FROM  CONGRESSMAN  MILLER. 

Believes  in  the  Irish  People  Governing  Themselves.” 

I 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — I believe  in  the  Irish  people  governing  them- 
selves, and  trust  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  we 
shall  see  Ireland  free  and  independent,  “A  nation  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.” 

Faithfully  yours, 

Jas.  F.  Miller. 

M.  C,  of  Texas. 

[We  believe  not  only  in  the  Irish  people  but  in  every 
people  governing  themselves;  but  the  present  may  be  re- 
garded as  Ireland’s  Day,  and,  as  Irishmen,  we  tender  our 
grateful  thanks  to  Mr.  Miller  and  to  the  hundreds  of  repre- 
sentative Americans  who  express  the  hope  of  soon  seeing 
Ireland  “ free  and  independent,  a Nation  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth.” — Ed.  I.  W.] 


106 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  HOLMES. 

“ The  Darkness  that  Precedes  the  Morning  of  Liberty  Almost 

Past.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — I have  watched  with  growing  interest  the 
gallant  struggle  of  the  Irish  people  against  English  oppres- 
sion. The  darkness  that  precedes  the  morning  of  liberty 
has  almost  passed,  I believe,  for  Ireland. 

Respectfully  yours,  A.  J.  Holmes, 

M.  C.,  of  Iowa. 

[No  true  man  has  ever  watched  the  long  and  gallant 
struggle  of  the  Irish  people  against  English  oppression 
without  wishing  them  God -speed.  With  joy  all  true  men 
now  hail  what  seems  to  be  the  dawn  of  the  day  of  the  resur- 
rection of  Ireland’s  nationality. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


CONGRESSMAN  A.  M.  DOCKERY. 

The  Brave  and  Generous  Nation  will  Yet  Win  the  Day. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  f 

Patrick  Ford,  New  York. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I am  heartily  in  sympathy  with  the  Irish 
people  in  their  heroic  efforts  to  establish  Home  Rule.  If 
I do  not  mistake  the  signs  of  the  times,  that  brave  and 
generous  nation  will  soon  be  accorded  the  rights  for  which 
they  have  so  long  and  patiently  struggled. 

With  best  wishes,  I remain  truly,  your  obedient  servant, 

Alex.  M.  Dockery, 

M.  C.  of  Missouri. 

[The  Irish  will  be  “ accorded  ” their  rights  because  they 
have  not  only  long  and  patiently  struggled  in  the  past,  but 
because  they  are  dp/j'krmined  to  keep  up  the  sHuggle.  It  is 
with  nations  as  with  individuals;  they  that  persevere  till 
the  end  will  come  out  all  right, — Ed.  L W.] 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


107 


REPRESENTATIVE  MILLARD. 

Ireland  Must  Have  Absolute  Control  of  Her  Judiciary  and 
Finances. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Unquestionably  a crisis  has  come  in  the 
affairs  of  England  and  Ireland. 

The  struggle  for  Home  Rule  must  be  successful,  and  its 
establishment  cannot  be  long  delayed.  The  Irish  people 
are  entitled  to  self-government,  at  least  such  a government 
or  Home  Rule  as  will  give  them  absolute  control  of  their 
judiciary  and  finances.  Very  truly  yours, 

Stephen  C.  Millard, 

M,  C,  of  Neiv  Yoi'k, 

[It  is  declared  in  what  appears  to  be  Gladstone's  latest 
plan  that  the  Imperial  Parliament  is  to  have  absolute  con- 
trol of  the  taxes  in  Ireland.  In  that  case  the  Irish  people  * 
would  have  no  more  power  over  their  finances  than  they 
have  now.  Mr.  Gladstone,  however,  may  not  be  accurately 
reported,  or,  if  accurately  reported,  he  may  intend  what  he 
says  only  as  a feeler. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

FROM  CONGRESSMAN  SADLER. 

“ Best  Wishes  for  Parnell’s  Success.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

My  Dear  Sir: — The  present  relation  of  Ireland  to  the 
British  Government,  in  view  of  her  feeble  and  long-continued 
struggle  for  national  freedom,  is  anomalous.  Having  never 
breathed  other  than  the  air  of  freedom  (except  for  a short 
interval),  my  nature  sympathizes  fully  with  all  who^struggle 
for  the  inestimable  boon.  With  best  wishes  for  Mr. 
ParneH's  success,  I am  very  truly  yours, 

T.  W.  Sadler, 

M,  C.y  of  Alabama, 


108 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  MATSON. 

“ Hopes  Ireland  Will  Soon  be  Recognized  as  One  of  the  Family 
of. Nations.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  f 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — Every  thought,  everj  impulse,  and  every 
sympathy  I have  ever  had  has  been  with  the  people  of  Ire- 
land in  their  various  struggles  of  recent  years;  and  I hope 
and  believe  that  the  civilized  world  will  soon  recognize  her 
in  a proud  and  independent  condition  as  one  of  the  family 
of  nations.  Yours,  very  truly, 

C C.  Matson, 

M.  C.y  of  Indiana. 

[St.  Paul  says  that  if  one  member  suffers  the  whole  body 
suffers.  Ireland  is  a wounded  and  dislocated  member  of  the 
family  of  nations.  Her  restoration  to  sound  health  and  her 
• rightful  place  in  the  world  is  essential  not  only  to  her  own  well- 
being but  also  to  universal  harmony;  so  that  Mr.  Matson, 
the  civilized  world,  from  an  enlightened  self-interest  point  of 
view,  not  to  speak  of  the  justice  of  the  cause,  should  be  glad 
at  the  prospect  of  recognizing  Ireland  reinstated  among  the 
family  of  nations. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  OWEN. 

“ Only  One  Side  of  the  Irish  Question  and  That  the  Irishman’s 

Side.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Sir: — You  ask  my  views  on  the  Irish  cause.  There  is 
but  one  side  to  this  Irish  question  for  a true  American,  and 
that  is  the  Irishman’s  side.  I believe  our  times  will  see 
Ireland  with  a restored  Parliament,  a resurrected  industry, 
and  a rebuilt  commerce.  Truly  yours, 

W.  D.  Owen, 

M,  C.,  of  hidiana. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


109 


[St.  Paul  says  “We  can  do  nothing  against  the  Truth.” 
Men  may  obscure  the  Truth;  they  may  deny  or  misstate 
facts,  and  so  deceive  many  and  cause  mischief  in  the  world. 
But  the  Truth  stands,  and  when  the  clouds  have  passed 
away  and  the  light  has  been  spread  it  will  be  recognized  by 
men.  England  had  the  ear  of  the  world  for  a long  time. 
The  justice  of  the  Irish  cause,  however,  remains  unchanged; 
and  now  it  shines  out  so  resplendently  that  men,  vexed  at 
the  miserable  sophistry  by  which  they  were  deluded,  hiss  at 
England’s  special  plea,  and  cry  out  with  Mr.  Owen,  “ There 
is  but  one  side  to  the  Irish  question,  and  that  is  the  Irish- 
man’s side.”’ — Ed.  I.  W.] 


TOWNSHEND  VOTES  AYE. 

The  Legislative  Independence  of  England  and  Ireland  best  for 
Both  Countries. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — My  sympathies  are  with  Ireland  in  her  strug- 
gle for  land  reform  and  Home  Rule.  With  Home  Rule  will 
come  relief  from  oppressive  land  laws  and  other  evils.  The 
outlook  for  the  people  in  Ireland  now  seems  more  hopeful 
than  ever  in  the  past. 

The  best  means  for  securing  permanent  peace  and  pros- 
perity in  both  countries  would  be  the  establishment  of  such 
a government  as  exists  in  Canada — or  better  still,  such  as 
is  enjoyed  by  the  States  under  our  National  Union. 

The  complete  control  by  Ireland  of  her  domestic  affairs 
will  be  better  for  England  as  well  as  for  Ireland. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

R.  W.  Townshend, 

M.  C.y  of  Illinois. 

[Yes,  justice  offers  the  only  basis  for  the  establishment 
of  peace  between  England  and  Ireland.  Cannons,  buckshot, 
packed  juries,  and  the  scaffold  have  all  been  tried;  and  all 
have  failed. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


110 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  STAHLNECKER. 

“An  Unswerving  Advocate  of  Ireland’s  Freedom.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — A country  which  has  exemplified  her 
love  for  liberty  so  frequently  by  offering  through  successive 
generations  so  many  of  her  noblest  sons  in  its  cause,  and 
has  never  tamely  submitted  to  the  yoke  of  the  oppressor, 
calls  for  the  sympathy  of  every  true  American  and  must  in 
the  end  be  successful.  Though  not  allied  in  any  way  by 
blood  or  descent  with  Ireland,  I yet  feel  bound  to  assist  a 
land  many  of  whose  children  have  brightened  the  pages  of 
American  history  both  in  peace  and  war. 

I am,  Sir,  an  unswerving  advocate  of  Ireland’s  freedom, 
as  well  as  of  every  other  nationality  struggling  to  be  free. 
The  sky  now  seems  brighiening  in  her  favor,  and  no  one 
rejoices  more  sincerely  than  I do.  Yours  truly, 

W.  G.  STAHLNECKER, 

M.  C..^  of  New  York. 

[In  the  long,  dark,  and  terrible  history  of  Ireland’s  op- 
pression the  one  bright  reflection  that  relieves  the  gloom 
and  gives  hope  to  the  future  is  the  fact,  which  Congressman 
Stahlnecker  notes,  that  she  has  “never  tamely  submitted 
to  the  yoke  of  the  oppressor.”  This  we  accept  as  an  assur- 
ance of  Ireland’s  certain  deliverance. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


SENATOR  MILLER’S  DECLARATION. 

“ All  Liberty-Loving  Americans  Sympathize  with  Parnell.” 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — All  liberty-loving  Americans  sympathize  with 
Parnell  in  his  heroic  efforts  to  redress  the  wrongs  of  Ireland 
and  secure  Home  Rule.  Yours  truly, 

Warner  Miller, 

Senator  frofti  New  York, 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


111 


FROM  MR.  LEWIS  HANBACK. 

“ Ireland  Will  Soon  Take  Her  Place  Among  Nations.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — In  reply  to  yours  I hasten  to  say  that  I 
see  in  the  present  movement  conclusive  evidence  that  Ire- 
land will  soon  take  her  place  among  the  nations.  I pray 
God  to  hasten  the  resurrection. 

With  very  high  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

Lewis  Hanback, 

M.  C.,  of  Kansas. 

[The  spirit  of  a nation  never  dies.  Organization  gives 
body  to  the  spirit.  Not  in  centuries  have  the  elements  of 
the  Irish  race  been  better  organized  than  they  are  now,  and 
hence  not  for  centuries  has  the  hope  of  Irish  Nationality 
manifesting  itself  in  the  fruits  of  its  glory  and  power  been 
apparently  nearer  realization  than  it  is  to-day. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  MR.  D.  B.  HENDERSON. 

“ Rejoices  in  the  Movement  for  Irish  Independence.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  Word. 

Dear  Sir: — No  citizen  of  a republic  and  no  lover  of 
democratic  ideas  should  find  difficulty  in  answering  your 
appeal.  For  one  I note  with  great  satisfaction  the  splendid 
victories  lately  achieved  by  the  forces  pressing  for  Irish 
independence.  Very  truly, 

D.  B.  Henderson, 

M.  C.y  of  Iowa. 

[Ireland’s  claims  rest  on  self-evident  truths,  as  set  forth 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence;  and  therefore,  as  Mr. 
Henderson  observes,  “ no  citizen  of  a republic  and  no  lover 
of  democratic  ideas  should  find  difficulty in  taking  Ire- 
land’s side. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


112 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE LA  HI), 


CHARLES  S.  BAKER’S  PRAYER. 

“May  the  God  of  Nations  Speed  the  Day  of  Ireland’s 
Redemption.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — When  in  1782  Ireland  in  arms  had  extorted 
— in  part  from  the  humiliation  and  necessities  of  England, 
in  part  from  the  justice  of  a new  Administration — the  inde- 
pendence of  her  Parliament  and  her  Judiciary,  and  Mr. 
Grattan,  rising  slowly  in  her  House  of  Commons,  said: — 
“I  am  now  to  address  a free  people  ! Ages  have  passed 
away,  and  this  is  the  first  moment  in  which  you  could  be 
distinguished  by  that  appellation.  I found  Ireland  on  her 
knees;  I watched  over  her  with  an  eternal  solicitude;  I have 
traced  her  progress  from  injuries  to  arms^  from  arms  to 
liberty.  Spirit  of  Swift,  spirit  of  Molyneux,  your  genius 
has  prevailed  ! Ireland  is  now  a nation.  In  that  character 
I hail  her;  and  bowing  to  her  august  presence,  I say,  ‘ Live 
forever  !’  — all  friends  of  human  liberty  everywhere  joined 
in  glad  acclaim.  Now,  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  a cen- 
tury, the  friends  of  that  oppressed  and  downtrodden  people 
everywhere  are  anticipating  the  speedy  coming  of  that  glori- 
ous morning  when  Parnell  will  be  able  to  repeat  the  words 
of  Grattan  in  their  broadest,  widest,  and  best  sense.  May 
the  God  of  Nations  speed  the  day  ! 

Chas.  S.  Baker, 

M,  C.  of  New  York. 

[Henry  Grattan  was  a great  man,  and  he  could  make  a 
great  speech;  but  he  was  not  the  man  God  Almighty  in- 
tended to  save  Ireland.  He  was  not  a Moses.  In  our 
opinion  Grattan  was  as  much  concerned  for  the  integrity  of 
the  British  Empire  as  for  Irish  autonomy.  This  may  seem 
paradoxical,  but  certain  facts  in  his  political  life  justify  the 
i)c]ief.  When  l^lood,  supported  by  the  Volunteer  conven- 
tion, brought  forward  in  the  Irish  Parliament  his  motion 
for  repeal,  Grattan  in  deference  to  hmglish  sentime  it  moved 
its  rejection.  Grattan,  i)erhaj)s,  was  a better  man  than 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


113 


Flood;  but  Flood  was  sometimes  right,  and  he  was  certainly 
right  then.  Grattan  was  fooled  by  the  “grand  old  man 
of  that  day.  The  scene  wherein  Grattan  is  pictured  rising 
out  of  his  sick  bed  and  carried  to  the  Irish  Parliament  to 
vote  against  the  Union  is  too  theatrical  to  be  altogether 
honest.  His  last  words  in  the  Irish  Parliament  were: — “I  will 
remain  anchored  here  with  fidelity  to  the  fortunes  of  my 
country,  faithful  to  her  freedom,  faithful  to  her  fall.’’  The 
“ fall”  did  not  break  his  heart.  Five  years  after  he  went 
over  to  England  and  became  a member  of  the  English  Par- 
liament and  a servant  of  the  Whigs.  In  1807  he  voted  foe 
COERCION  FOR  Ireland.  By  this  act,  says  the  Ericyclo- 
pcedia  Britannica^  “ by  voting  with  the  Government  on  the 
Irish  Insurrection  Bill  of  1807,  he  showed  that  his  regard 
for  the  general  welfare  of  the  Empire  was  unaffected  by  the 
great  political  disappointment  of  his  life.”  Whatever  be- 
came of  Ireland  and  the  Irish,  the  “ welfare  of  the  Empire  ” 
had  to  be  looked  after.  English-made  famine;  ruined  man- 
ufactures; commerce  extinct;  disfranchisement  of  four-fifths 
of  the  people;  heartless  landlords  and  an  alien  Church,  sus- 
tained by  a foreign  soldiery,  devouring  the  substance  of  the 
poor;  eviction  and  wholesale  emigration — such  was  the 
situation  of  Ireland  when  Grattan  was  aiding  her  English 
masters  to  rivet  still  tighter  the  chains  on  her  bleeding 
limbs.  At  that  time  (1807)  England  was  planning  for  the 
re-establishment  of  her  empire  in  these  United  States. 
Despite  repeated  protests,  she  insolently  persisted  in  in- 
sulting our  flag  and  impressing  our  citizens  on  the  high 
seas — this  she  did  on  the  plea  that  the  seamen  she  pirated 
from  American  ships  were  irishmen,  and  therefore  (although 
naturalized)  British  subjects  still;  nor  did  her  outrages  cease 
till  she  had  laid  the  Capitol  in  ashes  and  sent  the  President 
and  his  Cabinet  fugitives  from  Washington.  At  that  same 
time  (1807)  England  impudently  claimed  it  was  her  right 
to  veto  the  appointment  of  Catholic  bishops  whose  politics 
were  Irish.  That  is  to  say,  she  wanted  only  priests  who  were 
favorites  of  the  Castle  to  be  bishops  in  Ireland.  Every  true 
Irishman  instinctively  opposed  her  claim.  Grattan  favored 
it.  Thereupon  the  Catholic  Board  took  the  advocacy  of 
their  cause  out  of  Grattan’s  hands  and  declined  to  entrust  it 
to  him  any  more.  Grattan  died  in  London,  and  England 
gave  him  the  honor  of  a public  funeral  and  a grave  in  West- 
minster Abbey  near  the  tombs  of  Pitt  and  Fox,— Ed.  I.  W.] 
8 


114 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


REPRESENTATIVE  LYMAN. 

“ Universal  Freedom  should  be  the  Watchword  of  Every 
American.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  f 
Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — In  regard  to  the  heroic  struggle  now 
going  on  for  the  independence  of  Ireland  I want  to  say  that 
I am  in  hearty  sympathy  with  the  cause,  and  I cannot  see 
how  any  citizen  of  the  Land  of  Washington  and  Lincoln  can 
be  otherwise.  Universal  freedom  should  be  the  watchword 
of  every  American.  I sincerely  trust  that  the  demands  and 
desires  of  the  people  of  the  Emerald  Isle  may  be  fully  met, 
and  that  the  battle-cry,  “Ireland  a Nation,’*  may  soon 
ripen  into  reality.  Yours, 

J.  Lyman, 

M.  C.,  of  Iowa. 

[Yes,  every  man  who  honestly  loves  the  institutions  of 
the  Land  of  Washington  and  Lincoln  must  be  in  sympathy 
with  the  aspiration  of  the  Irish  people,  and  the  aspiration 
of  the  Irish  people  is,  “Ireland  a Nation.” — Ed.  I.  W.] 


VIEWS  OF  MR.  CUTCHEON. 

“The  Industrial  and  Commercial  Interests  of  Ireland  are 
Wholly  Antagonistic  to  those  of  England. 

lousE  OF  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Every  true  friend  of  “ government  of  the  peo- 
ple, by  the  people,  and  for  the  people”  must  rejoice  at  the 
dawn  of  Irish  autonomy.  It  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  this 
age  for  people  of  one  race,  religion,  and  national  interests  to 
make  laws  for  and  administer  the  government  of  a people  of  a 
diverse  race,  religion,  and  national  interests.  The  industrial 
and  commercial  interests  of  Ireland  are  wholly  antagonistic 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


115 


to  those  of  England.  While  I am  not  certain  that  it  would 
be  wise  to  seek  to  sever  the  imperial  tie  that  unites  Ireland 
to  the  British  Empire  I am  certain  that  she  ought  to  be  ac- 
corded, at  least,  the  degree  of  independence  granted  to  the 
Dominion  of  Canada.  May  the  day  speedily  dawn  when  we 
shall  see  an  Irish  Parliament  enacting  laws  for  Ireland  in  the 
true  spirit  of  government  of  the  people.'* 

Sincerely  yours, 

B.  M.  CUTCHEON, 

M.  C.,  of  Michigan. 

[Nationality  is  not  a mere  human  arrangement,  having  its 
origin  in  and  dependent  on  the  caprice  of  men.  It  is  a 
divine  institution  based  on  a divine  idea.  Now,  in  order 
that  a nation  may  be  able  to  do  its  work  and  fulfil  its  mis- 
sion it  must  have  freedom.  To  war  against  the  rights  of  a 
nation — as  England  has  warred  against  those  of  Ireland — is 
to  violate  a law  of  God.  Irishmen  who  are  loyal  to  their 
country  are  branded  as  rebels."  What  is  falsely  charged 
against  them  is  truly  applicable  to  their  enemies.  The 
British  Empire  is  in  rebellion  against  the  Lord  of  the  Uni- 
verse.— Ed.  I.  W.] 

BARCLAY  HENLEY’S  ADVICE. 

“Nothing  Short  of  Absolute  Irish  Independence.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — You  should  not  stop  at  the  concession  of  an 
Irish  Parliament  nor  at  anything  short  of  absolute  Irish  in- 
dependence. Very  truly  yours, 

Barclay  Henley, 

M.  C.y  of  California. 

[Ireland's  absolute  independence  is  beyond  doubt  the  ul- 
timate of  Irish  national  aspiration.  But  we  shall  reach  the 
point  by  stages;  and  the  stages  themselves  we  must  reach 
sometimes  by  forced  marches,  and  sometimes,  as  in  the 
present,  by  oblique  movements. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


116 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 

FROM  MR.  DARWIN  R.  JAMES. 

“ Thoroughly  in  Sympathy  with  the  Movement.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

My  Dear  Sir: — I am  thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the 
movement  which  is  now  being  pushed  onward  under  the 
leadership  of  Mr.  Parnell,  believing,  as  I do,  in  the  justice 
of  the  cause  which  he  advocates.  To  my  mind  the  denial 
to  the  Irish  people  of  the  right  to  manage  their  own  affairs 
is  in  direct  antagonism  to  the  spirit  of  the  times  and  a vio- 
lation of  all  the  broader  principles  which  involve  the  rights 
of  independent  manhood  as  we  in  this  country  understand 
them.  Accept  assurances  of  my  hearty  co-operation  with 
the  work  now  in  progress,  looking  forward,  as  I do,  with 
pleasure  to  the  not-far-distant  day  when  Ireland  will  be 
ruled  by  Irishmen  and  not  by  other  people.  With  much 
respect,  I am,  my  dear  sir,  Yours  sincerely, 

Darwin  R.  James, 

M,  C,,  of  New  York, 

[That  is  the  idea:  “ Ireland  should  be  ruled  by  Irishmen 
and  not  by  other  people.*'  The  same  idea  means  England 
for  the  English,  and,  honestly  carried  out,  involves  the  de- 
struction of  English  rule  everywhere  outside  of  England. — 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  HISCOCK. 
‘'Self-Government  for  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — I am  decidedly  in  favor  of  Home  Rule  and 
self-government  for  Ireland.  Yours  truly, 

Frank  Hiscock, 

M.  C\  of  Nfew  York, 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


117 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  GIFFORD. 

“Dakota  Wishes  Success  to  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Dakota  is  with  you  in  sympathy,  and  cordially 
wishes  success  to  Ireland  in  her  fight  for  self-government. 

O.  S.  Gifford, 

M,  C,  of  Dakota, 

MR.  PERKINS’  KIND  WISHES. 

“Ireland  Must  Legislate  for  her  Own  Children  and  Protect  her 
Own  Industries.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — The  fight  of  Parnell  and  his  co-laborers  for 
Irish  nationality  has  been  heroic  and  brilliant  in  the  ex- 
treme, and  it  should  be  the  wish  of  all  who  love  justice  and 
hate  tyranny  and  wrong  that  his  hands  shall  be  upheld  and 
strengthened  for  his  patriotic  work  until  the  present  unjust 
and  oppressive  system  of  land  tenure  shall  be  abrogated  and 
until  Ireland  shall  have  a Parliament  of  her  own  seated  in 
“ The  Old  House  at  Home’’  legislating  for  and  giving  pro- 
tection to  her  prostrated  industries,  and  employment  and 
happiness  to  her  warm-hearted  and  devoted  sons  and 
daughters.  With  kind  wishes,  I am  respectfully  yours, 

B.  W.  Perkins, 

M.  C.,  of  Kansas, 

[Until  Ireland  shall  have  power  to  resuscitate  and  give  pro- 
tection to  her  now  prostrated  industries — until  her  workers 
are  given  ample  and  diversified  employment — prosperity  will 
be  unknown  within  her  borders.  Despite  a Parliament  in 
College  Green,  poverty  will  still  be  the  badge  of  her  people 
and  emigration  will  continue  to  flow  out.  Irishmen  will 
still  continue  to  regard  Ireland  a fine  country  to  get  away 
from.— Ed.  I.  W.] 


118 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


FROM  MR.  JAMES  N.  BURNES. 

“ Ireland  Should  be  as  Free  as  America.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  TAe  Irish  World, 

My  Dear  Sir: — Thanking  you  sincerely  for  your  several 
favors,  and  also  for  copies  of  your  great  paper.  The  Irish 
Worlds  I beg  to  say  that  I would  have  replied  sooner  but  for 
a prolonged  absence  at  home,  from  which  place  I have  just 
returned. 

While  thousands  of  my  constituents  understand  the  vital 
questions  affecting  Irish  independence  and  nationality  better 
than  myself,  no  one  of  them,  and,  perhaps,  no  man  living, 
has  a deeper,  wider,  or  more  sincere  sympathy  for  the 
struggling  people  of  Ireland. 

If  I had  the  power  to  accomplish  the  result,  Ireland  should 
be  as  free  and  independent  as  our  own  glorious  country. 

With  great  respect,  I am. 

Faithfully  your  obedient  servant, 

James  N.  Burnes, 

M,  C,y  of  Missouri, 

[The  right  of  Ireland  to  govern  herself  has  been  proved 
a thousand  times.  Further  argument  were  a waste  of  words. 
The  power  that  holds  Ireland  in  subjection  does  so  because 
she  so  wills.  The  same  power — England — would  never 
have  permitted  America  to  be  “free  and  independent’' 
had  she  the  ability  to  crush  us. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

GENERAL  VIELE  SPEAKS  OUT. 

His  Sympathies  with  Ireland  since  his  Boyhood. 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — My  warmest  sympathies  have  been  with  the 
Irish  people  from  my  early  boyhood  when  I learned  to  de- 
claim the  dying  words  of  Robert  Emmet  to  his  judges;  and 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


119 


in  the  years  that  have  passed  since  then,  during  which  I 
have  served  through  three  wars  by  the  side  of  Irish-American 
citizens,  I have  learned  to  know  and  appreciate  their  hero- 
ism, their  bravery,  and  their  fidelity.  The  best  and  truest 
friends  of  my  life  have  been  Irishmen,  and  through  them  I 
have  known  of  the  struggles  and  devotion  of  their  race  for 
a place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  The  years  of  suf- 
fering and  martyrdom  are  now  bearing  their  fruition. 

Yours  faithfully, 

Egbert  L.  Viele, 

M.  C.y  of  New  York. 

[The  tribute  Gen.  Viele  pays  to  Irish  character,  which  is 
but  an  echo  of  what  Washington,  Jefferson  Franklin,  and 
all  the  great  men  of  America  uttered  before  him,  is  most 
gratifying.  England  not  only  robbed  us  of  our  material 
possessions,  but  she  has  done  her  best  to  rob  us  of  our  good 
name.  Her  slaves  in  this  country,  the  Tories  of  Harper's 
and  the  Hessians  of  Puck^  and  that  sort,  are  engaged  in  the 
same  infamous  business.  She  has  tried  to  make  the  world 
believe  the  Irish  are  lawless — that  they  will  be  subject  to  no 
government.  The  passionate  love  men  of  Irish  birth  show 
for  the  Stars  and  Stripes  and  their  loyalty  to  their  adopted 
country  gives  the  lie  to  the  English  slander.  The  testi- 
mony of  such  distinguished  witnesses  as  Gen.  Viele  is  as 
honorable  to  themselves  as  it  is  creditable  to  the  Irish  race. 
—Ed.  I.W  .]  

FROM  CONGRESSMAN  PINDAR. 

“ Sympathizes  with  The  Irish  World  in  Its  Noble 
Work  for  Ireland. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I take  pleasure  in  assuring  you  of  my 
hearty  sympathy  in  your  noble  work  trying  to  better  the 
condition  of  a brave,  noble,  and  generous  people. 

Very  truly  yours, 

J.  S.  Pindar, 

M.  C.  of  New  York. 


120 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


PROM  CONGRESSMAN  WILTJS. 

The  “ Irish  Question”  a Universal  Question. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  I 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — The  heroic  struggle  in  which  the  Irish  people 
are  now  engaged  has  long  since  ceased  to  be  an  “ Irish 
Question.”  Its  object — freedom  and  self-government — ap- 
peals to  the  sympathies  and  demands  the  hearty  support 
of  the  lovers  of  justice  and  of  liberty  in  every  land.  No 
American  can  fail  to  wish  success  to  Ireland  unless  he  ig- 
nores or  forgets  his  manhood. 

As  a representative  of  the  State  which  has  been  called  the 
“ Ireland  of  America,”  and  which  in  her  earlier  history  gave 
to  your  cause  its  most  eloquent  advocate — Henry  Clay — I 
gladly  greet  the  sunburst  of  Ireland’s  freedom  and  rejoice 
in  the  dawning  glory  and  prosperity  of  her  noble  people. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Albert  S.  Willis, 

M.  C.y  of  Kentucky, 

[Mr.  Willis  is  right.  This  Irish  question  is  more  than 
an  Irish  question.  It  is  the  universal  question.  And  this 
is  true  whether  it  be  regarded  in  its  political  or  its  social 
aspect. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


SPRINGER  PUTS  IT  NEATLY. 

‘‘  I am  for  Home  Rule,  Freedom,  and  Parnell.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — I take  pleasure  in  complying  with  your  re- 
quest for  an  expression  of  my  views  on  the  Irish  question. 

Every  lover  of  liberty  throughout  the  world  is  in  sympa- 
thy with  Mr.  Parnell  and  his  compatriots  in  Parliament  in 
their  demand  for  Home  Rule  for  Ireland.  Americans,  more 
perhaps  than  others,  share  this  feeling.  The  London  Times 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


121 


and  other  Tory  organs  demand  ‘‘the  maintenance  of  the 
integrity  of  the  Empire/’  which  is  but  another  name  for 
English  rule  over  the  Irish  people  without  their  consent. 
This  presents  a vital  issue:  Home  Rule  against  foreign 
Rule,  freedom  against  slavery.  I am  for  Home  Rule,  free- 
dom, and  Parnell.  Very  truly  yours, 

William  M.  Springer, 

M,  C.y  of  Illinois. 

[The  subject  could  not  be  stated  more  succinctly  or 
clearly.  The  cry  raised  about  the  “ maintenance  of  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  Empire  ” is  but  another  word  for  English  rule 
over  the  Irish  people  without  their  consent.  It  is  Home 
Rule  against  Foreign  Rule,  Freedom  against  Slavery. — 
Ed.  I.  W.]  

WILLIAM  WALLACE  BROWN. 

Hopes  the  Irish  Problem  will  be  Solved  in  Complete  Inde- 
pendence. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — I glory  in  the  present  outlook  for  Ireland  ! 
Under  the  plea  of  “ Free  Commerce  ” England  has  shed 
more  blood  than  any  two  nations  on  the  globe  ! Tribute 
she  will  have — peaceably  if  she  can,  but  at  all  hazards — 
tribute.  She  has  beggared  Ireland  in  pursuit  of  the  same 
kind  of  tribute  she  extorted  from  America  before  the  revolu- 
tion. To  save  the  profits  upon  the  few  “ hats  and  hob-nails  ” 
needed  by  the  Colonists  she  lost  the  Colonies.  If  her  ava- 
rice should  work  out  the  Irish  problem  in  the  same  way  no 
one  would  rejoice  more  than  Yours  truly, 

Wm.  Wallace  Brown, 

M.  C.y  of  Pennsylvania, 

[There  is  one  way  to  know  England  and  to  make  her 
known  to  others — that  is,  to  set  her  down  as  a pirate. 
Piracy  is  her  vocation.  But  her  apologists — who  have 
changed  the  word  to  “ Free  Commerce  ” — allege  it  is  no 
sin  for  one  to  steal  in  his  vocation. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


122 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


THE  CAUSE  OF  HUMANITY. 

“ The  Cause  of  Ireland  the  Cause  of  Humanity.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,I 
Washington,  D.  C.,  J 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — If  any  expression  from  me  will  add  a feather's 
weight  in  the  scales  of  justice,  I am  only  too  glad  of  the 
opportunity  to  say  that  I deem  the  cause  of  Ireland  the 
cause  of  humanity,  and  believe  the  friends  of  liberty  (the 
enemies  of  oppression)  should  earnestly  espouse  the  cause 
of  Ireland’s  people,  and  in  so  far  as  our  influence  can  be 
lawfully  wielded,  that  every  effort  should  be  made  to  secure 
to  them  the  rights  and  properties  which  belong  to  them  and 
for  which  they  have  so  long  and  so  gallantly  fought.  I am, 
with  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

W.  D.  Bynum, 

M.  C.,  of  Indiana, 

[George  Washington,  in  acknowledging  the  congratula- 
tions of  the  “Yankee  Club”  of  Tyrone,  Ireland,  on  his 
election  to  the  Presidency,  stigmatized  the  English  as  “ foes 
to  the  rights  of  humanity.”  The  cause  of  America,  which 
England  sought  to  crush,  was  the  cause  of  humanity.  The 
cause  of  Ireland  to-day,  as  Mr.  Bynum  observes,  is  the 
cause  of  humanity.  It  is  only  right,  then,  that  Americans 
and  the  friends  of  liberty  everywhere  “should  earnestly 
espouse  the  cause  of  Ireland’s  people. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

POLK  LAFFOON’S  VOICE. 

The  Irish  Have  Writ  with  Their  Blood  the  Grandest 
History  of  Liberty  Ever  Published. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Let  me  assure  you  of  my  fervent  and  cordial 
friendship  and  sympathy  for  Ireland  and  her  noble  people. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


12 


They  have  written  with  their  blood  the  grandest  history  of 
human  liberty  that  has  ever  been  published,  and  the  fruits 
of  their  high  resolve  and  unswerving  determination  for  cen- 
turies is  just  now  being  seen  in  the  present  affairs  of  Ire- 
land, and  her  grand  people  deserve  the  veneration  of  all  the 
liberty-loving  portion  of  mankind. 

Yours  very  truly, 

Polk  Laffoon, 

M,  C.,  of  Kentucky, 

[Notwithstanding  the  shameful  blots  Irish  mercenaries  in 
the  service  of  the  enemy  have  made  on  the  pages  of  Irish 
history,  it  is  true  nevertheless,  as  Mr.  Laffoon  remarks, 
and  it  is  a cause  for  genuine  pride,  that  the  Irish  people  in 
their  seven  centuries  of  struggles  against  England’s  usurpa- 
tion “ have  written  with  their  blood  the  grandest  history  of 
human  liberty  that  has  ever  been  published.” — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  THOMAS  J.  HENDERSON. 

“ Looks  Joyfully  Forward  to  the  Independence  of  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I deeply  and  heartily  sympathize  with 
the  Irish  people  in  the  grand  struggle  which  they  are  now 
making  for  National  freedom.  Liberty-loving  people  every- 
where must  be  watching  with  great  anxiety  the  noble  effort 
being  made  by  Parnell  and  his  compatriots  to  secure  Irish 
freedom  and  make  Ireland  a Nation. 

I for  one  shall  rejoice  at  every  success  achieved  by  the 
oppressed  people  of  Ireland  and  shall  greatly  rejoice  at  the 
final  ccmsummation  of  their  dearest  hopes:  the  Independence 
of  Ireland.  Very  respectfully  yours,  etc., 

Thos.  J.  Henderson, 

M.  of  Illinois. 

[Yes,  that  is  “ the  fifial consummation  of  the  Irish  people’s 
dearest  hopes — the  Independence  of  Ireland.” — Ed.  I.  W.] 


124 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


A GREEN  MOUNTAIN  TOAST. 

“My  Toast  Shall  Always  Be — ‘ Ireland  for  the  Irish.’” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Yes;  give  Ireland  to  the  Irish.  Then  wipe 
out  the  law  of  primogeniture  and  of  entail,  and  give  those 
who  cultivate  the  soil  a chance  to  own  it. 

Remove  the  hand  of  the  oppressor,  and  in  less  than  one 
half  the  time  it  has  taken  to  bring  the  Irish  people  to  the 
depth  of  their  present  degradation  and  misery  they  shall 
again  be  prosperous  and  happy.  Let  them  feel  that  they 
belong  to  themselves,  that  they  have  a future,  and  hope  will 
come  back  to  them,  and  with  it  self-respect,  and  industry, 
and  the  pride  of  success. 

My  toast  shall  always  be — ^‘Ireland  for  the  Irish.’' 

Very  truly  yours, 

William  W.  Grout, 

M.  C.,  of  Vermont. 

[That's  the  toast.  “Ireland  for  the  Irish!”  Every 
man  has  rights  under  Government  of  the  People,  and  the 
law  supreme  over  all,  governors  as  well  as  the  governed. — 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


SAWYER’S  ADMIRATION. 

“ Parnell’s  Course  Coniinends  Itself  to  the  Judgment  of  Every 
Friend  of  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — The  love  shown  by  the  Irishman  to  his  native 
land  and  his  heroic  and  patriotic  devotion  to  her  interests, 
prosperity,  and  advancement  have  always  awakened  in  my 
breast  profound  feelings  of  admiration. 

It  matters  not  under  what  sky  he  may  live  or  how  pleasant 
or  ])rosi)erons  liis  surroundings  may  be  in  the  new  home  he 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


125 


has  chosen,  his  sweetest  memories  cluster  around  his  old 
home  in  the  Emerald  Isle,  and  the  richest  legacy  he  can 
leave  his  children  will  be  the  intensest  love  and  the  most  de- 
voted consecration  to  the  land  and  the  home  of  their  fathers. 

I think  such  love  and  devotion  are  very  rare,  if  not  with- 
out a parallel,  in  human  history,  and,  whatever  may  be 
one’s  views  of  the  objects  and  policy  in  the  present  contest, 
the  story  of  Ireland’s  wrongs,  sufferings,  and  struggles  must 
awaken  feelings  of  profound  sympathy  and  respect. 

So  far  as  I understand  the  aims  and  methods  of  Mr. 
Parnell,  I think  his  course  commends  itself  to  the  judgment 
of  every  friend  of  Ireland,  and  I should  be  happy  by  every 
legitimate  means  in  my  power  to  contribute  something  to 
Irish  freedom.  I have  the  honor  to  remain. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

John  G.  Sawyer, 

M,  C,  of  New  York, 

[The  love  that  the  true  Irishman  feels  for  his  native  land  is 
intensified  by  the  outrages  that  are  heaped  upon  her  by  her 
tiger-hearted  oppressors  in  her  physical  helplessness.  Wher- 
ever we  may  be  this  thought  makes  Ireland  sacred  to  us. 

“ Wert  thou  all  that  I wish  thee,  great,  glorious,  and  free, 

First  flower  of  the  earth  and  first  gem  of  the  sea, 

I might  hail  thee  with  prouder,  with  happier  brow, 

But,  oh!  could  I love  thee  more  dearly  than  now  ? 

jW,  thy  chains  as  they  rankle , thy  blood  as  it  runs 
But  make  thee  more  painfully  dear  to  thy  sons — 

Whose  hearts,  like  the  young  of  the  desert-bird’s  nest, 

Drink  love  in  each  life-drop  that  flows  from  thy  breast.” 

When  Ireland  is  independent,  rich,  and  powerful,  she  won’t 
require  to  go  a-begging  for  sympathy;  she  will  then  be  re- 
spected, as  the  great  and  free  are  always  respected;  she  will 
then  be  well  able  to  take  care  of  herself;  then  we  shall  be 
proud  of  her,  but  then  we  shall  not  trouble  ourselves  or  others 
so  much  about  her.  But  until  the7i — until  Ireland  has  taken 
her  rightful  place  among  the  nations — unreconstructed  Irish- 
men the  world  over  will  stand  up  for  her  and  make  her  cause 
their  own.  Till  then,  also,  Anglicized  Irishmen  will  deny 
their  names  and  forswear  their  Mother.— Ed.  I.  W.] 


126 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE  LA  HD. 


FROM  WILLIAM  WALTER  PHELPS. 

“ Home  Rule  the  Only  Solution  of  the  Irish  Problem.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — It  is  the  only  solution.  America  has  tried 
it  and  recommends  it.  Acquire  local  independence  and  an 
Irish  Legislature;  retain  national  dignity  and  power  by  re- 
taining Ireland’s  place  in  Great  Britain’s  Parliament. 

Very  truly  yours, 

William  Walter  Phelps, 

M.  C.y  of  New  Jersey. 


RALPH  PLUMB’S  SUGGESTION. 

Home  Rule  and  Land  Reform  Should  Go  Hand  in  Hand. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — I cannot  withhold  a brief  expression  of  the 
great  interest  I feel  in  the  deliverance  of  Ireland. 

The  supreme  moment  is,  doubtless,  near  at  hand  when  in 
some  way  that  for  which  Irish  patriots  ever  since  the  times 
of  Robert  Emmet  and  Daniel  O’Connell  so  persistently 
labored  will,  and  ought  to  be,  recorded  in  history  as  an  ac- 
complished end. 

It  is  the  duty  of  all  who  hate  oppression  to  concede  to 
those  who  are  oppressed  the  right  to  choose  from  the  various 
possible  methods  that  which  is  best  calculated  to  bring  them 
relief;  and  it  is  in  this  spirit  that  I am  bound  to  say  that 
Home  Rule  is  the  thing  for  Ireland,  and  with  all  my  heart 
I wish  for  Mr.  Parnell’s  complete  success. 

In  my  opinion  the  chief  source  of  misery  and  woe  to  the 
Irish  people  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  land  on  which  they  live, 
and  which  is  as  essential  to  them  almost  as  the  air  they 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


127 


breathe,  is  owned  and  controlled  not  by  the  man  who  tills 
it  but  by  the  landlord,  to  whom  the  laborer  is  necessarily 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  a vassal.  In  my  judgment  even 
Home  Rule  will  fail  to  remove  Irish  suffering,  from  which 
this  reform  has  received  its  life  and  growth,  unless  it  shall 
deal  faithfully  with  the  question  of  land  reform. 

That  this  may  be  the  purpose  of  those  who  have  the  re- 
sponsibility of  acting  for  the  Irish  people,  is  the  earnest 
wish  of  Yours  very  truly, 

Ralph  Plumb, 

M.  C.y  of  Illinois. 

[Yes,  the  two  ideas — Self-Government  and  the  Restora- 
tion of  the  Land  to  the  People — should  be  married,  and 
never  be  divorced.  These  two  ideas,  moreover,  are  his- 
torically Irish.  Power  always  follows  the  possession  of  the 
soil.  If  the  people  own  the  land,  then  the  people  are  free. 
They  are  politically  and  otherwise  masters  of  the  situation. 
—Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  ARCHIBALD  M.  BLISS. 

“ God  Speed  the  Movement  to  Make  Ireland  a Nation.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Permit  me  to  say  that  the  hopes  and 
prayers  of  every  friend  of  humanity,  and  every  lover  of 
liberty  in  the  world  should,  in  my  humble  judgment,  be  in 
favor  of  Home  Rulef  or  Ireland,  and  wish  Parnell  and  his 
associates  God-speed  in  their  efforts  towards  the  establish- 
ment of  Ireland  as  a Nation. 

Wishing  you  all  success,  and  thanking  you  for  your  kindly 
personal  suggestions,  I remain. 

Very  truly  your  obedient  servant, 

Arch’d.  M.  Bliss, 

M.  C.,  of  New  York* 


128 


THE  STOR  V OF  IRELAND, 


FROM  MR.  THOMAS  M.  BAYNE. 

“ I am  a Believer  in  Home  Rule.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — I am  a believer  in  Home  Rule,  and,  as  it  ap- 
pears to  me,  the  signs  of  the  times  point  to  the  ultimate 
achievement  of  these  ends  by  Ireland.  The  leadership  of 
Mr.  Parnell  seems  to  me  to  be  in  the  right  direction,  and  it 
is  to  be  commended  all  the  more  because  it  is  free  from  the 
bias  of  any  influence  except  the  one  great  aim  of  Home 
Rule.  Very  truly  yours, 

Thomas  M.  Bayne, 

M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania. 

[If  Home  Rule  means  that  the  Irish  people  shalPmanage 
their  own  affairs,  under  their  own  Government,  with  their 
own  Legislature,  their  own  judiciary,  and  their  own  militia 
and  police  force,  then  it  means  something  worth  working 
for.  But  if  it  means  a Parliament  in  College  Green,  with 
Irish  debaters  inside  and  English  soldiers  outside,  then  it  is 
a mockery.  In  that  case  it  would  not  be  Home  Rule,  but 
foreign  rule  still  under  an  Irish  mask. — Ed.  I.  W,] 


GOVERNOR  LONG’S  OPINION 

“ Ireland,  like  Our  States,  Should  be  Mistress  of  her 
Own  Affairs.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — I have  always  had  the  opinion  that  Ireland 
should  have  the  management  of  her  own  affairs  as  our  States 
have  of  theirs,  and  I am  glad  she  seems  so  likely  now  to 
obtain  it. 

Respectfully  yours, 

John  D.  Long, 

M.  C.  of  A/assachnsetts. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


129 


FKOM  CONGRESSMAN  PRICE. 

“ Wants  to  See  Ireland  a Free  Republic.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Sir: — I heartily  endorse  the  sentiment  of  “Ireland  a 
Nation.” 

Oppressed  and  abused  for  years  as  Ireland  kas  been,  every 
patriotic  heart  would  leap  with  joy  to  see  h^v  placed  on  the 
map  of  the  world  as  a free  republic.  Respectfully  yours, 

W.  T.  Price_, 

M.  C.y  of  Wisconsin. 

[The  political  tendency  of  modern  times  is  democratic. 
To  this  tendency  the  American  Revolution  gave  an  im- 
mense impulse.  Mr.  Price  merely  expresses  a sentiment 
that  was  in  the  breasts  of  Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Patrick 
Henry,  as  well  as  every  true  American  since  then  and  now, 
when  he  says,  “ Every  patriotic  heart  would  leap  for  joy  to 
see  Ireland  placed  on  the  map  of  the  world  as  a free  repub- 
lic.”—Ed.  I.  W.] 

FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  ROMEIS. 

“ Ireland  Coming  to  the  Forefront.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I have  always  taken  an  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  Ireland,  and  I am  glad  to  see  a nation  which  has 
been  oppressed  for  centuries  coming  again  to  the  forefront. 
“ Ireland  a nation  again  ” shall  now  be  the  motto. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Jacob  Romeis, 

M.  C.  of  Ohio. 

[Ireland  is  a nation  already.  She  has  the  spirit  and  the 
character  of  a nation.  What  Ireland  needs  is,  not  rights, 
but  liberty  to  exercise  her  rights  and  to  manifest  her  nation- 
ality.—Ed.  I.  W.] 

9 


130 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND, 


FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  McKENNA. 

“ Emmet’s  Epitaph  Will  be  Written.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — Received  yours  soliciting  words  of  sympathy 
for  Ireland.  Does  she  need  them  ? At  any  rate  they  must 
be  of  sympathy  in  exultation.  Pity  is  disappearing  in 
triumph. 

You  are  right.  Ireland’s  course  and  efforts  have  attracted 
and  deserve  the  admiration  of  the  world.  Vanquished  but 
not  subdued  she  commenced  a struggle  (if  struggle  ever 
was  intermitted)  in  which  she  even  had  to  conquer  hope. 
To-day  no  one  doubts  the  realization.  Her  nationality 
may  not  be  accomplished  this  year,  but  its  ultimate  achieve- 
ment is  sure.  Emmet’s  epitaph  will  be  written. 

Very  respectfully, 

J.  McKenna, 

M,  C.y  of  California, 

[Pity  is  something  akin  to  contempt,  for  it  is  bestowed 
upon  poor  devils  so  low  down  as  to  be  almost  beyond  hope. 
But  in  Ireland’s  case  “ pity  is  disappearing  in  triumph” — 
not  at  hand,  perhaps,  but  assured. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

GEN.  McCOOK  CONFIDENT 

That  the  Present  Movement  Will  Accomplish  What  the 
Most  Sanguine  Irishmen  Desire. 

U.  S.  Senate  Chamber,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

My  Dear  Sir: — In  common,  I think,  with  the  majority 
of  citizens,  I have  watched  with  great  interest  the  struggle 
now  in  progress  by  which  it  is  to  be  hoped  Ireland  may 
secure  the  just  recognition  to  which  she  is  entitled.  It  is 
perfectly  ajiparent  that  Mr.  Parnell  and  his  followers  hold 
the  Parliamentary  key  to  the  position,  and  that  by  patience 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


131 


and  good  judgment  they  will  finally  accomplish  what  even 
the  most  sanguine  friends  of  Ireland  desire. 

The  recent  change  of  ministry,  in  connection  with  the  re- 
ported utterances  of  the  Liberal  leader,  indicates  very 
clearly  that  some  decisive  legislation  must  soon  follow. 
That  it  may  be  in  the  interest  of  the  peace,  happiness,  and 
renewed  prosperity  of  the  people  of  Ireland  is  certainly  the 
wish  of  Yours  very  truly, 

Anson  G.  McCook, 

Secretary  U,  S.  Senate. 

[It  is  not  wise  to  count  too  much  on  Gladstone.  During 
the  recent  general  elections,  it  will  be  remembered,  he  ap- 
pealed strongly  to  the  English  and  Scotch  from  an  integrity- 
of-the-Empire  platform;  insinuating  that  the  Tories,  in 
league  with  the  Parnellites,  would  give  Ireland  Home  Rule 
as  the  price  of  the  “ Irish  alliance,’'  and  leaving  it  to  be 
inferred  that,  although  he  himself  was  disposed  to  effect 
Irish  reforms,  he  never  would  favor  Irish  legislative  inde- 
pendence. It  may  be  said  in  answer  to  this  that  that  was 
a political  campaign  speech,  and  that  the  affirmations  and 
negations  of  all  such  speeches  should  be  taken  with  allow- 
ance. But  this  view  of  Gladstone  does  not  strengthen  con- 
fidence in  him.  The  true  policy  of  the  Irish  is  to  use  all 
the  English  parties  and  to  trust  none. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  HENDERSON. 

“His Hearty  Sympathy  is  with  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S."  ) 
Washington,  D.  C ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Sir: — I cordially  sympathize  with  the  people  of  Ireland 
in  their  struggle  for  national  freedom.  I hope  they  will 
succeed  in  accomplishing  the  dearest  wishes  of  the  Irish  race. 

Very  respectfully, 

John  S.  Henderson, 

M.  C,y  of  North  Carolina, 


132 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND, 


CONGRESSMAN  GEORGE  FORD. 

“Ireland  Should  Take  Her  Place  Among  the  Independent 
Nations.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — Ireland  should  be  free.  Her  people  should 
make  and  execute  her  laws.  Her  vassalage  should  end,  in 
order  that  she  may  take  her  place  among  the  free  and  inde- 
pendent nations  of  the  earth. 

While  not  an  Irishman  myself  I deeply  sympathize  with 
her  devoted  people,  who  witness  her  degradation  while 
valiantly  striving  to  break  the  chains  which  bind  her. 

Respectfully, 

George  Ford. 

M,  C.y  of  Indiana, 

[Our  namesake,  though  not  an  Irishman,  is  a true  Ameri- 
can; and  no  better  friend  to  the  Irish  race,  or  to  the  human 
race,  exists  than  the  man  who  is  faithful  to  the  genius  of 
the  American  Republic. — ^Ed.  I.  W.] 


- FROM  SERENO  E.  PAYNE. 

“Believes  Independence  Would  be  an  Infinite  Advantage  to 
Ireland.  ” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — In  reply  to  yours  I desire  to  say  that  it 
has  long  been  my  firm  conviction  that  independence  for 
Ireland  would  be  better  for  England  and  of  infinite  advan- 
tage to  Ireland.  I hope  to  live  to  see  the  day  when  British 
pride  shall  bow  to  England’s  best  interests,  and  so  yield  to 
struggling  Ireland  in  a peaceful,  constitutional  way  the 
right  of  self-government.  Yours  respectfully, 

Sereno  E.  Payne, 

M.  C,  of  New  York. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


133 


[If  justice  prevailed  in  the  earth  every  one  would  have 
his  own,  and  no  one  would  have  more  or  less  than  his  own. 
England  now  has  more  than  her  own  and  Ireland  has  less. 
But  that  which  England  has  over  and  above  what  is  right- 
fully hers  she  is  not  permitted  to  enjoy  in  undisturbed  pos- 
session. Thank  God  for  that.  She  is  haunted  by  the  fears 
that  always  pursue  the  thief  and  the  robber.  There  is  but 
one  remedy  for  this  “ English  trouble  ” and  that  is  for  the 
Pirate'Empire  to  do  justice  to  Ireland,  and  justice  to  Ireland 
means  Ireland’s  ‘‘right  of  self-government” — Ed.  I.  W.] 


CONGRESSMAN  HARMER. 

He  Will  Let  His  Record  Speak  for  Him. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  J 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Referring  to  the  “ Irish  Question”  and 
the  efforts  of  that  great  champion  of  Ireland’s  rights,  Par- 
nell, I have  to  say  that  I can  offer  no  better  evidence  of  my 
sympathy  for  the  Irish  race  than  the  record  I have  made  in 
twelve  years  of  Congressional  service,  demonstrating  by 
my  vote  upon  all  occasions  when  the  privilege  has  been  ex- 
tended to  me  for  justice  and  recognition  to  the  men  who 
were  defending  her  rights. 

As  a lover  of  liberty  I would  see  the  Irishman,  under 
Home  Rule,  as  free  and  happy  as  he  is  here  under  the  free 
institutions  of  his  adopted  country. 

Faithfully  yours, 

A.  C.  Harmer, 

M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania. 

[Men  whom  the  English  enemy  characterized  as  malefac- 
tors Mr.  Harmer,  as  a Representative,  deemed  it  not  only 
his  duty  but  his  privilege  to  defend  and  honor  in  his  place 
in  the  United  States  Congress.  This  kind  of  American 
tobacco  England  will  not  like  to  put  in  her  pipe  and  smoke. 
—Ed.  I.  W.] 


134 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  LOVE. 

Ireland’s  Place  is  Among  the  Free  and  Self-GrOverning 
Nations  of  the  Earth.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — Irish  emancipation  and  nationality  is  in  uni- 
son with  human  progress  and  liberty,  and  the  noble  men 
who  have  gathered  about  Mr.  Parnell  in  achieving  such 
grand  results  are,  I trust,  the  chosen  instruments  of  Provi- 
dence to  place  Ireland  where  she  belongs,  among  the  free 
and  self-governing  nations  of  the  earth. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

C.  B.  Love, 

M,  C,  of  Delaware. 

[This  world  and  all  the  worlds  are  under  the  government 
of  Him  who  dwelleth  on  high.  All  are  parts  of  one  grand 
whole,  and  each  has  its  own  work  to  perform.  Certain 
nations,  however,  seem  to  have  been  ordained  for  great  and 
special  missions.  Such  were  the  Jews.  Such,  too,  but  in 
a different  way,  were  the  Greeks.  For  a long  time  it  has 
been  a notion  with  us  that  Ireland  will  yet  play,  as  she  once 
did  play,  a leading  part  in  the  world's  great  drama;  that  a 
special  Providence  watches  over  her  destinies,  and  that  to 
this  end  He  is  shaping  events  and  energizing  them  to  bring 
Ireland,  as  Mr.  Love  says,  ‘‘where  she  belongs,  among  the 
free  and  self-governing  nations  of  the  earth.” — Ed.  1.  W.] 

MR.  ANDERSON’S  PRAYER. 

“God  Bless  the  Irish  People  in  Their  Great  Contest.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — In  recalling  the  fact  that  all  my  grandparents 
were  born  in  old  Ireland  I must  join  in  the  general  sympa- 
thy expressed  by  my  countrymen  in  wishing  the  people  of 
Ireland  success  in  their  great  struggle ' for  personal  and 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


135 


political  liberty,  for  Home  Rule — in  their  struggle  to  es- 
tablish in  their  own  land  the  rights  of  man. 

They  will  win,  for  their  cause  is  right  and  just;  and 
heaven  will  lead  them  on  to  a triumphant  victory.  God 
bless  them  in  this  great  contest  is  the  wish  of  your  humble 
servant,  C.  M.  Anderson, 

M.  C..,  of  Ohio. 

[True  Americans,  of  course,  sympathize  with  every  people 
struggling  for  liberty  on  the  merits  of  their  cause.  But  the 
sympathy  of  Americans  with  Ireland  has  nature  as  well  as 
logic  on  its  side.  Fully  one-half  of  them,  like  Mr.  Ander- 
son, trace  back  their  origin  to  Ireland  as  to  the  cradle-land 
of  their  stock.  Blood  will  tell. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  MAYBURY. 

“A  Descendant  of  Irish  Exiles,  Sympathy  for  Ireland  is  with 
Him  a Heritage.” 

Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  ) 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  >• 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  T/ie  Irish  World. 

I shall  not  be  denied  the  privilege  of  expressing  my  hearty 
sympathy  with  the  Irish  people  in  their  struggle  for  liberty. 

My  ancestry  is  direct  from  this  people,  and  sympathy  with 
me  is  the  heritage  born  of  a knowledge  of  their  wrongs  and 
of  the  experience  that  made  my  kindred  exiles. 

To  every  Irish  heart  there  comes  at  this  time  the  joyful 
salutation,  “Lift  up  your  heads,  for  the  day  of  your  re- 
demption is  drawing  nigh  ! ” 

William  C.  Maybury, 

M.  C.j  of  Michigan. 

[“  My  ancestry  is  direct  from  the  Irish  people,  and  sym- 
pathy with  me  is  the  heritage  born  of  a knowledge  of  their 
wrongs  and  of  the  experience  that  made  my  kindred  exiles.” 
So  writes  Congressman  Maybury.  So  feel  millions  of 
Americans  of  Mr.  Maybury’ s race  outside  of  Congress. — 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


130 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


COMSTOCK  TALKS  PLAIN  ENGLISH. 

“England  the  Enemy  of  the  Whole  Human  Race.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  postal  received.  I know  of  no  one  that 
would  have  any  claim  to  humanity  if  he  did.  not  sympathize 
with  Ireland  in  her  present  struggle.  The  English  seek  to 
tyrannize  over  the  whole  world  in  the  same  way.  If  they 
cannot  conquer  by  the  sword  their  financial  theories  would 
produce  the  same  result.  Hypocritical  in  her  pretensions, 
England  would  beggar  the  earth  to  enrich  a few  aristocrats. 
Most  assuredly  my  sympathy  is  with  Ireland. 

Respectfully  yours, 

C.  C.  Comstock, 

M.  C.,  of  Michiga7t. 

[Yes,  Mr.  Comstock,  “the  English  would  tyrannize  over 
the  whole  world  ” if  they  had  the  power.  Their  oppression 
of  Ireland  is  no  exception. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  SYMES. 

“ Lovers  of  Freedom  and  Equality  All  with  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — The  history  of  the  wrongs  of  the  Irish 
people  ought  to  awaken  the  interest  of  all  lovers  of  freedom 
and  equality  in  this  country. 

d"he  condition  of  politics  in  England  looks  very  favorable 
for  the  emancipation  of  Ireland.  No  one  will  be  more 
pleased  to  hear  of  the  successful  issue  evolved  from  this  than 
Your  obedient  servant, 

G.  G.  Symes, 

M.  C.,  of  Co lo7'ado. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


137 


[The  injuries  which  England  inflicted  upon  America 
Froude  himself,  England's  special  pleader,  admits  were  but 
as  “flea-bites"  compared  with  the  outrages  she  has  per- 
petrated on  Ireland;  yet  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
affirms  that  the  Americans  were  not  only  justified,  but  it 
was  their  duty,  to  rise  in  armed  revolt  against  British  rule. 
To  the  sons  of  those  Revolutionary  sires- — “ to  all  lovers  of 
freedom  and  equality  in  this  country" — the  history  of  the 
wrongs  of  the  Irish  people  surely  ought  to  awaken  an  in- 
terest hardly  second  to  the  history  of  America  anterior  to 
1776.— Ed.  I.  W.] 


RANNEY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

“I  Trust  the  Day  of  Triumph  is  Not  Far  Distant.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  T/ie  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — You  are  right  when  you  assume,  as  you  do 
in  your  note  of  the  14th  inst.,  that  my  sympathies  are  with 
Ireland  and  all  of  her  struggling  friends  on  the  “ Irish  ques- 
tion." I have  watched  with  deep  interest  and  with  lively 
sensibilities  the  increasing  strength  of  the  cause  and  the 
encouraging  success  achieved  in  the  late  elections.  The 
“almost  persuaded  " gives  further  hopeful  promise  for  the 
near  future,  and  I trust  the  day  of  triumph  is  not  far  distant. 

Truly  yours, 

A.  A.  Ranney, 

M.  C.y  of  Massachusetts, 

[We  assumed,  Mr.  Ranney,  that  you  and  every  other 
man  worthy  to  be  called  an  American  in  Congress  were  in 
sympathy  with  Ireland.  It  was  not  to  dispel  any  doubt 
we  felt  on  that  score,  but  to  make  a demonstration  in  force 
for  Ireland  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  that  we  solicited  these 
expressions  from  the  representative  men  of  the  Republic. 
The  leaders  of  the  American  Revolution  effected  a similar 
demonstration  against  England  and  in  favor  of  America  a 
century  ago. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


138 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


WHAT  TARSNEY  THINKS. 

“ The  World  Has  Never  Beheld  a More  Noble  Spectacle.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  | 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — In  my  judgment  the  world  has  never  beheld 
a more  noble  spectacle  than  the  one  now  before  it  of  an 
honest  and  determmed  effort,  by  legal  and  constitutional 
methods  to  obtain  for  the  Irish  people  their  equality  before 
the  civilized  world.  Nothing  short  of  Nationalization  will 
meet  the  demand.  The  ultimate  result  may  for  a time  be 
postponed,  but  the  brave,  persistent  labors  of  Mr.  Parnell 
and  his  party,  aided  by  the  sympathy  and  financial  aid  of  all 
true  lovers  of  liberty,  must  surely  accomplish  the  purpose. 

With  kind  regards,  I remain,  yours, 

Timothy  E.  Tarsney, 

M.  C.y  of  Michigan. 

[It  is  a question  in  some  people^s  minds  whether  the 
unaided  efforts  of  the  Irish  Parliamentary  party  will  make 
Ireland  a Nation.  There  is  no  question,  however,  that,  as 
Mr.  Tarsney  says,  ‘‘  Nothing  short  of  Nationalization  will 
meet  the  demand  ” of  the  Irish  race;  and  toward  the  attain- 
ment of  that  object  this  country  will  play,  and  is  playing, 
a very  important  part. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


REPRESENTATIVE  GREEN’S  VIEWS. 

“Promise  of  the  Realization  of  O’Connell’s  Hope  and  of 
Meagher’s  Dream.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  llie  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — The  controlling  position  of  the  Irish  patriots 
in  Parliament  gladdens  the  heart  of  every  one  who  admires 
the  restless  energy,  the  irrepressible  determination,  and  the 
undying  love  of  country  which  are  the  characteristics  of  the 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


139 


Irish  people.  It  gives  promise  of  the  fulfilment  of  O’Con- 
nell’s hope  and  the  realization  of  Meagher’s  dream.  I sin- 
cerely trust  that  the  end  for  which  your  countrymen  have  so 
long  and  so  bravely  contended  is  on  the  eve  of  attainment. 

Yours  truly, 

Robert  S.  Green, 

M,  C,  of  New  Jersey. 

[The  Irish  cause,  like  Banquo’s  ghost,  will  not  down. 
“The  restless  energy,  the  irrepressible  determination,  and 
the  undying  love  of  country  which  are  the  characteristics  of 
the  Irish  race”  will  not  let  it  down.  But  to  our  mind  there 
is  a Providence  in  all  this  which  is  shaping  things  to  His 
own  wise  ends.  The  Irish  nation  will  yet  play  a leading 
part  in  the  world’s  great  drama. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  STONE. 

“I  Could  not  Be  American  and  not  Be  for  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir — I could  not  be  American  and  not  be  for  Ire- 
land. I am  American,  and  have  the  instinctive  hatred  of 
my  countrymen  for  every  form  of  tyranny,  foreign  or 
domestic.  If  “words  of  sympathy”  were  men  in  mail  I’d 
write  them  until  Ireland  had  an  army  big  enough  to  sweep 
every  vestige  of  tyranny  from  her  borders.  God  bless  the* 
“ Green  Isle  ” over  the  seas,  and  prosper  every  effort  made 
by  her  heroic  sons  for  independence.  I believe  day  is  about 
to  break  on  her  long  night  of  bondage.  I am  sure  I hope  so. 

With  much  respect,  I am,  etc., 

W.  J.  Stone, 

M.  C.y  of  Missouri. 

[“I  could  not  be  American  and  not  be  for  Ireland.” 
That  one  short  sentence  is  a speech  in  itself  and  strikes  the 
keynote  of  American  sentiment. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


140 


THE  STORY  OF  IRE  LA  HD. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  SPEAKS. 

“No  Man  Born  Beneath  the  Stars  and  Stripes  Can  Fail  to 
Sympathize  With  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — No  man  born  beneath  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
can  fail  to  sympathize  with  any  people  struggling  for  free- 
dom. The  progress  of  events  is  rapid,  and,  in  my  judg- 
ment, the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  all  Europe  will  have 
government  “of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the 
people.’'  Yours  truly, 

James  Buchanan, 

M.  6’.,  of  New  Jersey. 

[No  American,  Mr.  Buchanan,  can  fail  to  sympathize  with 
the  Irish  people  in  their  struggle  for  liberty  and  nationality. 
There  are,  unfortunately,  some  Englishmen  born  under  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  who  fail  to  sympathize  with  the  Irish 
cause,  even  as  the  Tories  of  the  Revolution  failed  to  sym- 
pathize with  the  cause  of  America.  But  their  tribe  is  be- 
coming small  by  degrees  and  beautifully  less. — EcL  I.  W.] 

BUTTERWORTH  S OPINION. 

“Ireland  Should  be  Governed  Only  by  Irishmen.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D,  C.  \ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  T/te  Irish  World.  J 

My  Dear  Sir: — Yes,  I wish  Ireland  were  free  and  inde- 
pendent, with  a government  of  her  own,  based  on  universal 
suffrage,  resting  only  on  age  and  residence.  Her  destiny 
would  then  be  in  her  own  hands. 

Irishmen  in  Ireland  should  be  governed  only  by  Irishmen. 
God  speed  the  clay  when  that  shall  be. 

Yours  truly, 

Benj.  Butterworth, 

M.  C.,  of  Ohio. 

[No  remarks  could  adccjuately  supplement  this  letter  but 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS,  141 

the  repetition  of  Mr.  Butterworth’s  utterance.  No  fuller 
expression  of  Ireland’s  aspirations  could  be  put  in  fewer 
words.  Ed.  I.W.] 

FROM  CONGRESSMAN  HAYNES. 

Declares  that  the  Pirate  Empire  Has  No  Claim  to  American 
Sympathy. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — I reiterate  my  opinion  and  belief,  often  ex- 
pressed, that  at  some  time,  in  some  manner,  through  some 
combination  of  circumstances,  Ireland  will  be  free.  When 
the  national  spirit  is  unbroken  national  life  is  sure  to  come 
in  the  fullness  of  time.  A nation  that  launched  privateers 
to  destroy  our  commerce  when  we  were  struggling  for  life 
[as  England  did],  and  which  now  seeks  to  make  us  her  in- 
dustrial dependent,  has  no  claim  to  sympathy  from  me — a 
Republican,  an  American,  a Protectionist — in  her  shocking 
misrule  of  Ireland. 

Martin  A.  Haynes, 

M.  C,  of  New  Hampshire. 

[Our  Anglomen  refer  to  the  war  of  Independence  as  “an 
unpleasantness  ” between  England  and  America,  and  with 
affected  innocence  they  appeal  to  us  to  say  no  more  on 
that  subject.  Plundering  our  seas,  ravaging  our  coasts, 
subsidising  Hessians  and  Indians  to  murder  our  people,  and 
giving  our  towns  and  cities  to  the  flames — these  were  the 
cause  of  the  “ unpleasantness.”  In  1812  England  gave  us 
another  taste  of  these  things.  In  1861  England  “ launched 
privateers  to  destroy  our  commerce,”  as  Mr.  Haynes  re- 
marks^, and  that  at  a time  “when  we  were  struggling  for 
life.”  Our  Anglomen  conveniently  ignore  these  latter 
facts.  We  might  have  forgotten  the  “unpleasantness”  of 
a century  ago;  but  England  herself.  Messieurs  Anglomen, 
has  not  allowed  us  to  forget  it.  There  is  an  “ unpleasant- 
ness ” between  England  and  Ireland  too.  When  the  op- 
pressor does  justice  to  his  victim  we  shall  draw  the  curtain 
over  the  evil  past  and  speak  harshly  of  England  no  more. — 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


142 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


MR.  MAHONEY  FOR  HOME  RULE. 

“Not  Only  as  an  Irishman  who  Loves  His  Motherland,  but  as 
an  American  who  Believes  in  Universal  Liberty.” 


House  of  Representatives,  U.  S. 
Washington,  D.  C. 


( 


Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

My  Dear  Sir: — I must  ask  you  to  pardon  my  delay  in 
answering  your  letter,  which  has  reference  to  the  proposed 
nationalization  of  the  mother  country  and  the  efforts  being 
made  by  Mr.  Parnell  and  his  supporters  to  secure  this  end. 

It  seems  hardly  necessary  that  any  word  of  mine  should 
be  added  to  the  popular  expression  of  sentiment  regarding 
this  great  issue,  and  the  only  reason  why  I write  these  few 
lines  is  my  desire  to  comply  with  your  request. 

All  the  sympathies  of  my  nature  are  enlisted  in  the  cause 
of  which  Mr.  Parnell  is  so  conspicuous  and  so  able  an  ad- 
vocate; and  the  time  has  never  been  when  I have  lost 
opportunity  to  add  my  voice  to  the  demands  of  the  Irish 
people  and  the  lovers  of  liberty  throughout  the  world  for 
an  Irish  Parliament  and  the  right  of  Irishmen  to  manage 
their  own  affairs.  What  little  I can  do  at  any  and  all  times 
in  furtherance  of  the  end  in  question  will  be  done  most 
cheerfully;  and  that  not  only  as  an  Irishman  desirous  of 
the  welfare  of  his  mother  country,  but  as  an  American  citi- 
zen who  believes  that  equal  rights  and  equal  privileges 
should  be  extended  to  all  mankind. 


Very  respectfully, 

Peter  P.  Mahoney, 

M,  C,  of  New  York, 


[We  are  pleased  to  see  Mr.  Mahoney  unite  his  Irish  feel- 
mgs  with  his  American  principles.  It  is  sometimes  flippantly 
said  that  an  Irishman  when  he  comes  to  this  country  ought 
to  forget  Ireland.  That  would  be  unnatural, — and  the  true 
man  is  never  false  to  nature.  They  are  of  the  English  Tory 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


143 


element,  themselves  un-American  in  all  things  save  the  ac- 
cident of  birth,  who  raise  this  cry.  All  that  the  require- 
ments of  citizenship  demand  is  that  foreign-born  persons 
forswear,  not  affection  for  their  kith  and  kin,  but  their 
allegiance  to  other  Governments,  including  the  Government 
which  hitherto  has  claimed  them  as  subjects.  If  this  is  all 
that  can  be  asked  even  of  an  Englishman,  whose  country 
as  well  as  his  Government  has  been  ever  the  foe  of  this 
Republic,  how  can  men  born  and  reared  in  Ireland,  which, 
as  Mr.  Randall  says,  “was  the  first  as  she  has  been  the 
most  constant  friend  of  America,''  be  expected  to  do 
more  ? But  no  genuine  American  expects  or  desires  more. 
—Ed.  I.  W.] 


WHAT  E.  B.  TAYLOR  FEARS. 

Home  Rule,  if  Handicapped  by  English  Free  Trade,  Will 
Prove  a Delusion  and  a Snare. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — Intensely  hopeful  of  the  early  and  substan- 
tial success  of  Ireland  in  her  efforts  to  regain  her  liberties 
and  nationality,  I fear  some  compromise  that  will  leave  her 
labor  interest  bound  to  the  chariot  of  English  Free  Trade. 

If  it  should  so  turn  out,  the  sacrifices  of  her  friends  have 
been  in  vain,  the  sympathies  of  the  world  lost,  and  all  her 
hopes  will  be  turned  to  despair. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

E.  B.  Taylor, 

M.  C,  of  Ohio, 

[The  English  will  not  be  likely  to  grant  Ireland  a Parlia- 
ment with  power  to  set  up  a protective  tariff.  Already 
they  begin  to  cry  out  that  a Parliament  having  the  power 
and  the  will  to  develop  Ireland's  resources  would  ruin 
English  manufactures  and  beggar  English  artisans. — Ed. 
I.  W.] 


144 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


MR.  MURPHY  FEELS  HONORED 
“ To  be  Invited  to  Join  in  Cheering  the  Men  who  are  Work- 
ing for  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  J 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — The  writer  esteems  it  a high  compliment  to 
be  asked  to  add  his  humble  voice  in  praise  of  the  heroic 
men  of  the  land  of  oratory,  poetry,  and  song,  and  the  land 
of  a patriotism  as  elevated  as  that  whmh  fired  the  hearts 
and  strengthened  the  arms  of  the  men  of  our  own  Revolu- 
tion against  the  same  insatiable  power  which  oppresses  Ire- 
land to-day. 

The  peaceful  and  courageous  methods  adopted  by  Parnell 
and  his  associates  to  restore  the  rights  of  the  Irish  people 
will  receive  the  warm  approval  and  substantial  aid  of  every 
son  of  the  old  land  and  his  children  in  every  clime,  and  all 
those  of  our  own  country  who  admire  the  men  who  bravely 
struggle  for  their  God-given  rights  against  a merciless  and 
mighty  power  made  great  by  the  sacrifices  and  bravery  of 
Irish  soldiers. 

The  prospect  is  indeed  cheering.  The  poetry  of  Thomas 
Davis,  so  full  of  prophecy  of  his  country’s  glory,  will  soon 
be  more  inspiring  than  in  his  day  because  of  the  greater 
Hope  which  is  dawning;  and  the  speeches  of  Grattan,  Cur- 
ran, Phillips,  and  the  long  line  of  eloquent  men  of  the  past 
will  be  revived  and  read  to  increase  the  patriotism  and 
strengthen  the  heart  of  every  friend  of  Irish  liberty. 

Is  not  the  time  coming,  and  not  far  distant,  when  the 
epitaph  of  Robert  Emmet  will  be  written  ? 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

Jerry  H.  Murphy, 

M.  C.  of  Jo7va, 

[Yes,  Mr,  Murphy,  it  is  a historical  truth  that  the  Irish 
people  were  rol)bed  of  “ their  God-given  rights  by  the  merci- 
less jiower  ” of  England;  and  it  is  equally  true,  and  not 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS^  145 

less  sad,  that  that  power  was  “ made  great  by  the  sacrifices 
and  bravery  of  Irish  soldiers.’'  When  England  had  made 
slaves  and  paupers  of  the  Irish,  Irishmen,  to  build  up  Eng- 
land’s empire,  went  over  the  world  to  make  slaves  and 
paupers  of  other  peoples.  That  is  the  historical  fact.  And 
— “Oh,  shame,  where  is  thy  blush!” — Irishmen  cheered 
all  that  a thousand  times  over.  How  many  Irish  hurrahs 
went  up  over  the  English-bought  cut-throats  from  “ magnifi- 
cent Tipperary”  and  the  “Connaught  Rangers?”  It  is 
not  pleasant  for  us  to  recall  these  things  or  to  remind  others 
of  them.  The  truth,  nevertheless,  should  be  told.  We 
don’t  believe  in  wholesale  glorification  of  the  Irish  race  any 
more  than  in  wholesale  and  cynical  criticism  of  them. 
There  is  much  that  is  noble  in  the  Irish  character;  it  is 
right  for  us  to  manifest  this  nobility,  and  it  is  right  for  us 
to  take  honest  pride  in  it  too.  But  our  people  have  had 
their  share  of  folly,  and  this  folly  should  be  pointed  out 
and  censured.  “We  must  be  cruel  in  order  to  be  kind.” 
But  thank  God  a change  for  the  better  has  taken  place. 
The  Light  has  been  spread,  and  Irishmen  now  see  the  fool- 
ishness and  the  wickedness  of  aiding,  or  countenancing  such 
as  do  aid,  in  any  way,  that  accursed  organization  known  as 
the  British  Empire.  The  marrow  of  slavery,  however,  is 
still  in  the  bones  of  some  of  us.  There  are  men  who  refer 
with  pride  to  those  wretched  mercenaries  who  have  only 
curses  for  the  brave  fellows  who  risk  all  to  strike  at  the 
heart  and  cause  that  “ merciless  power”  to  quake  which  is 
the  curse  of  the  world  in  general  and  of  the  Irish  race  in 
particular. — Ed.  1.  W.] 

FROM  REPRESENTATIVE  SOWDEN. 

“ Ireland  Deserves  the  Sympathy  of  all  Who  Love  Liberty 
for  Liberty’s  Sake.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — I am  in  full  sympathy  with  those  Irish 
patriots  who  are  now  engaged  on  the  other  side  of  the  water 
in  an  heroic  and  noble  struggle  for  Home  Rule  in  Ireland. 
I sincerely  hope  that  they  may  be  successful. 


146 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


The  Irish  people  deserve  the  sympathy  and  support  of 
every  man  who  loves  liberty  for  liberty’s  sake  in  their  brave 
and  patriotic  struggle  for  freedom. 

W.  H.  SOWDEN, 

M.  C.^  of  Pennsylva7ua. 

[“  The  Irish  people  deserve  the  sympathy  and  support  of 
every  man  who  loves  liberty  for  liberty’s  sake.”  That  is, 
the  Irish  cause,  in  its  last  analysis,  is  the  cause  of  true 
men  the  world  over. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

MR.  KLEINER’S  NOTION. 

“ Down  on  the  Whole  Bad  Brood  of  Ireland’s  Oppressors.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  TJu  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — You  will  see  from  my  name  that  I am 
not  Irish,  but  I am  just  as  anxious  to  strike  a blow  for  her 
liberation  as  if  I were.  I want  to  rid  the  earth  of  the  sneak- 
ing despots  of  the  East,  one  of  whom  drove  my  poor  father 
to  these  shores  as  a rebel  because  he  would  not  live  a slave, 
having  first  confiscated  all  his  earthly  possessions.  You 
can  set  me  down  as  against  the  whole  brood  who  oppresses 
good  old  Ireland.  I am,  yours  truly, 

John  J.  Kleiner, 

M.  C.y  of  Indiana. 

[The  “brood  wno  oppresses  Ireland”  includes  all  the 
English  parties,  Whigs  and  Tories;  the  British  aristocracy, 
commercial  and  titled;  the  Land-Robbers,  with  their  allies; 
not  counting  those  bastard  Irishmen  and  mongrels  known 
as  “Royal  Irish  Constabulary  ” and  Orangemen.  Could 
Ireland  but  once  wrench  herself  free  from  the  English  grip 
all  the  domestic  vermin  would  speedily  disappear,  as  tradi- 
tion relates  the  venomous  reptiles  disappeared  before  the 
mitred  front  of  St.  Patrick.  This  is  a consummation  de- 
voutly to  be  wished.  In  the  work  now  in  hand  of  trying  to 
effect  a good  riddance  of  this  bad  brood  we  welcome  the 
co-operation  of  Mr.  Kleiner  and  all  other  honest  men  — 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


147 


REAGAN  TAKES  A GLOOMY  VIEW. 

“ It  Will  Be  Seen  in  the  End  that  British  Love  of  Plunder  is 
Superior  to  Party  Ties.” 

House  of  Repj^esentatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — The  Irish  people  have  and  have  always  had 
my  sincerest  sympathy. 

The  English  policy  for  Ireland  is  dictated  and  controlled 
by  the  selfishness  and  greed  of  the  land  monopolists,  and 
as  long  as  the  House  of  Lords  is  constituted  as  it  now  is  I 
see  no  hope  for  the  relief  of  the  Irish  people.  That  body, 
even  more  than  the  House  of  Commons,  represents  prop- 
erty, money,  wealth,  not  people.  The  wealth,  so  far  as  re- 
lates to  this  question,  is  composed  of  the  profits  on  Irish 
farms  and  the  ownership  of  Irish  lands  in  the  hands  mainly 
of  English  land  monopolists.  They  will  never  let  go  their 
hold  071  Irish  property  imtil  it  is  brokefi  by  force.  And  an 
attempt  by  the  Irish  people  alone  to  free  themselves  by  force 
would  only  rivet  more  tightly  the  chains  of  the  despotism 
with  which  they  are  now  afflicted,  and  render  more  intense 
their  wrongs  and  sufferings.  It  will  be  seen  in  the  end  that 
this  British  love  of  plunder  is  superior  to  party  ties  and 
that  the  land  monopolists  will  maintain  their  grip  on  poor, 
suffering  Ireland.  Very  respectfully, 

* John  H.  Reagan, 

M.  C,  of  Texas. 

[Mr.  Reagan  expresses  our  opinion  when  he  says  that 
“ British  love  of  plunder  is  superior  to  party  ties,”  and  that, 
when  it  comes  to  it,  the  English  will  be  all  one  as  against 
Ireland.  Nevertheless,  the  demands  of  the  hour  bid  us 
hope  against  hope.  But  this  wretched  state  of  things,  this 
living  death,  cannot  and  must  not  continue  always.  If  Eng- 
land harden  her  heart  and  refuse  to  listen  to  reason,  the 
plagues  of  Egypt  ought  to  be,  and,  if  the  Irish  are  men, 
will  be,  visited  upon  her. — Ed.  I.W.] 


148 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


SAM  RANDALL’S  UTTERANCES. 

‘‘  Ireland  the  Earliest  and  Most  Constant  Friend  of 
America. — America  Naturally  Symi)athize8.” 

House  of  Representatives,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — My  opinion  is  firm  that  Home  Rule  or  self- 
government  can  no  longer  be  denied  to  Ireland.  It  is  in 
accordance  with  the  enlightened  spirit  of  the  age.  Besides, 
it  has  already  been  granted  very  freely  by  the  British  Empire 
to  most  of  its  provinces. 

It  has  gone  too  far  to  be  recalled.  Revolutions  never  go 
backward,  and  this  one  least  of  all;  for  it  removes  the  burn- 
ing reproach  of  the  gross  injustice  under  which  Ireland  has 
suffered.  No  doubt  party  advocates,  in  the  interest  of  the 
dominant  class  and  in  order  that  they  might  enjoy  in  the 
future  as  in  the  past  the  patronage  of  which  Home  Rule 
will  deprive  them,  would  be  willing  to  juggle,  to  hold  the 
word  of  promise  to  the  ear  and  break  It  to  the  hope;  but 
the  men  and  the  leader  who  have  so  successfully  carried 
forward  this  movement  of  liberty  for  Ireland  are  not  likely 
to  allow  themselves  to  be  deceived. 

America  naturally  sympathizes  with  any  nation  that  seeks 
to  govern  itself  according  to  the  republican  form,  and  the 
people  of  the  land  of  Washington,  least  of  all,  can  withhold 
its  encouragement  to  a people  who  h^e  been  its  earliest  and 
most  constant  friend  when  they  come  to  apply  the  principles 
of  self-government  as  taught  by  Thomas  Jefferson  in  our 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

It  is  a grateful  reflection  to  know  that  justice  to  Ireland 
is  to  be  accomplished  in  a peaceful  way,  and  that  the 
fanatics  who  oppose  it  do  so  for  reasons  and  upon  grounds 
which  make  them  the  confessed  enemies  of  all  free  govern- 
ment. Very  truly  yours, 

Sam.  Randall, 

Af.  C. , of  2\'niisylvania. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


149 


[Mr.  Randall,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  Speaker  of  the 
House  when  Mr.  Parnell,  by  invitation,  addressed  the 
Representatives  in  1880  on  the  claims  of  Ireland.  The 
sentiments  expressed  in  this  letter  are  those  which  animated 
him  then.  In  April  '82,  at  our  request,  Mr.  Randall  ap- 
peared at  the  great  Cooper  Union  demonstration,  and  in 
unmistakable  language  condemned  England  for  her  high- 
handed acts  towards  all  she  affected  to  regard  as  ‘‘  suspects  ” 
(some  of  whom  were  subjects  of  this  Republic),  and  vindi- 
cated the  rights  of  our  citizens  abroad  as  a duty  which  the 
United  States  Government  owed  to  itself,  to  its  own  dignity, 
not  less  than  to  the  pledged  faith  upon  which  its  citizens 
relied  for  protection. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

FROM  WILLIAM  S.  HOLMAN. 

The  ‘Great  Objector’  Objects  to  English  Rule  in  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Referring  to  your  esteemed  favor  of  the 
14th  inst.,  permit  me  to  say  that  no  American  citizen  can 
be  indifferent  to  the  great  issue  now  pending  between  the 
people  of  Ireland  and  Great  Britain. 

The  legislative  independence  of  Ireland,  in  the  present 
state  of  the  affairs  of  the  Irish  people  in  their  relation  to 
Great  Britain,  is,  in  the  measure  and  magnitude  of  its  im- 
portance, a question  of  interest  to  the  whole  civilized  world. 

When,  ten  years  ago,  ^t  the  instance  of  a representative 
of  the  Irish  people,  I introduced  into  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  an  expression  of  the  “ Congratula- 
tion of  the  Irish  Nation’’  on  the  occurrence  of  the  centen- 
nial anniversary  of  American  Independence — a kindly  and 
generous  expression,  which  you,  Mr.  Ford,  will  remember, 
met  an  honorable  and  cordial  reception  in  the  House — I 
did  not  indulge  the  hope  that  at  so  early  a moment  as  this 
the  question  of  the  legislative  independence  of  Ireland — the 
right  of  a great  people  to  control  their  home  affairs  (con- 


150 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


sidered  with  us  inherent  in  human  nature)  would  be  able, 
in  view  of  the  history  of  the  past,  to  demand  and  confidently 
expect  such  an  early  answer.  I could  not  then  have  in- 
dulged that  hope. 

But  the  world  moves  more  rapidly  than  in  former  years, 
and  to-day  the  American  people  confidently  and  joyfully 
hope  and  expect  that  a demand  so  reasonable  and  just,  in 
the  current  judgment  of  mankind,  will  promptly  receive  the 
sanction  of  the  British  Parliament.  I am  yours  truly, 

. W.  S.  Holman, 

M,  C,  of  Indiana. 

[The  address  referred  to  we  well  remember.  It  was  Ire- 
land’s congratulation  to  this  Republic  on  the  centennial  of 
American  Independence.  It  was  presented  by  Mr.  Parnell 
and  Mr.  John  O’Connor  Power.  We  remember  the  “ hon- 
orable and  cordial  reception  ” it  met  in  the  House  and  the 
friendly  part  Mr.  Holman  performed  in  connection  there- 
with. The  address  will  be  found  elsewhere  in  this  number 
of  The  Irish  World.— I.  W.] 


BLAND’S  REPLY  TO  ENOLISH  CANT. 

“ The  Same  English  Arguments  Advanced  Against  Irish 
Independence  as  Were  Urged  Against 
Americans  a Century  Ago.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — In  answer  to  yours  of  recent  date  I want 
to  say  that  I see  no  reason  why  patriotic  people  of  the 
civilized  world  who  love  national  independence  and  indi- 
vidual liberty  may  not  sympathize  with  the  struggle  the 
Irish  are  now  and  have  been  making  to  throw  off  the  terri- 
ble  tyranny  and  oppression  that  England  has  for  centuries 
been  foisting  upon  Ireland. 

When  such  sympathy  is  expressed  the  apologists  for 
England  taunt  us  by  saying,  “ Should  Ireland  be  freed 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


151 


chaos  and  anarchy  would  ensue,  because  the  Irish  are  not 
capable  of  self-government.”  So  tyrants  the  world  over 
have  always  said  of  all  people.  So  it  was  said  of  our  Revo- 
lutionary fathers  and  patriots.  But  that  is  not  the  ques- 
tion. The  question  is:  Has  not  Ireland  the  right  to  self- 
government  ? Whether  that  government  be  good  or  bad  is 
for  Irishmen  to  determine,  and  Irishmen  alone.  It  is  the 
prerogative  of  no  one  else. 

R.  P.  Bland, 

M.  C,y  of  Missouri, 

[Yes,  the  arguments  the  English  use  against  the  Irish  they 
have  used  against  every  people  that  sought  to  get  rid  of  their 
evil  rule.  Dr.  Johnson  stigmatized  the  American  Congress 
that  met  at  Philadelphia  as  a “congress  of  anarchy.”  “ Eng- 
lish writers,*'  wrote  Ben  Franklin,  “to  justify  the  measures 
of  the  British  Government,  revile  Americans  as  miscreants, 
rogues,  dastards,  rebels,  etc.  They  say  that  manufactures  in 
America  are  impossible,  that  almost  all  the  people  of  prop- 
erty and  importance  are  satisfied,  etc.” — Ed.  I.  W.] 


WEAVER’S  SALUTATION. 

“All  Hail  to  Parnell  and  His  Glorious  Cause!” 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — All  hail  to  Parnell  and  his  glorious  cause  ! 
The  hearts  of  the  American  people  throb  in  unison  with  the 
demand  of  Ireland  for  legislative  independence.  This  is 
the  peaceful  solution  of  the  Irish  problem.  The  civilized 
world  will  be  content  with  nothing  less. 

J.  B.  Weaver, 

M,  C.y  of  Iowa, 

[The  heart  of  Congressman  Weaver,  though  not  an  Irish- 
man, beats  responsive  to  Ireland's  demand  for  liberty.  We 
know  him  personally.  He  sat  beside  us  at  the  Land  League 
Convention  in  '8i  and  witnessed  with  admiration  and  ap- 
plauded enthusiastically  the  proceedings  of  that  memorable 
Congress  of  the  Irish  race.' — Ed.  I.  W.] 


152 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


THE  LIGHT  IS  SPREADING. 

“ God  Intends  Ireland  Shall  Fill  a Large,  and  an  Honorable 
Chapter  in  the  History  of  Men.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  f 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I read  The  Irish  World  with  great 
pleasure  always.  After  a long  series  of  years  it  now  does 
seem  its  “ Light  is  breaking  in  the  East  for  Ireland.  That 
splendid  island,  so  fertile,  so  blessed  by  all  natural  advan- 
tages, whose  children  have  always  and  everywhere  exhibited 
every  quality  of  highest  manhood,  courage,  faith,  truth, 
honor,  sympathy — God  surely  did  intend  to  fill  a large  and 
honorable  chapter  in  the  history  of  men. 

It  seems,  somehow,  that  every  people  must,  like  Israel, 
wander  awhile  in  the  wilderness.  Ireland  has  done  so.  In 
old  time  her  children,  it  was  said,  could  not  agree.  But  I 
have  read  with  delight  the  clear  fact  that  Ireland  is  now 
united  as  never  before.  Ireland  needs  a leader  of  cool 
brain.  I think  she  has  such  a leader  in  Parnell.  Let  every 
Irish-American  give  his  prayers  and  his  cash  for  the  good 
cause  now  ! Whether  Ireland  shall  be  completely  severed 
from  the  British  Empire  or  not,  she  will  at  least  be 

“ Tlie  ruler  of  herself  again.” 

And  the  land  of  Sarsfield,  of  Burke,  of  Robert  Emmet,  and 
of  Daniel  O’Connell  will  be  worthy  of  the  heart’s  pride, 
as  it  is  now  of  the  heart’s  love,  of  millions. 

I am  always  yours, 

A.  H.  Pettibone, 

M.  G,  of  Tennessee, 

[The  idea  that  Mr.  Pettibone  here  apprehends,  viz.,  Ire- 
land as  a distinct  and  self-governing  nation,  with  strong 
marked  characteristics,  and  fulfilling  a special  mission  in 
the  world’s  history,  is  precisely  the  point  on  which  The 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


153 


Irish  World  has  tried  to  bring  its  light  to  bear.  As  an  in- 
dependent and  self-energizing  nation  Ireland  would  leave 
her  impress  for  good  on  the  human  race.  As  an  indepen- 
dent nation  she  was  the  great  Light  Spreader  of  Europe  for 
three  centuries.  She  blessed  the  world  and  benefited  her- 
self. In  servitude  her  losses,  moral  and  material,  have 
been  altogether  greater  than  her  victories. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


GALLINGEE’S  DISGUST  FOR  ENGLAND. 

“ If  I Were  an  Irishman  I Would  Fight  England  to  the 
Bitter  End.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

My  Dear  Sir: — If  I were  an  Irishman  I would  fight 
England  to  the  bitter  end,  and  never  cease  my  warfare  until 
either  success,  crowned  my  efforts  or  death  interposed  an 
insuperable  barrier  to  the  continuance  of  my  work.  As  it 
is,  I have  the  greatest  possible  admiration  for  Parnell  and 
his  followers,  and  a feeling  of  profound  disgust  for  a great 
Government  that  deliberately  and  wickedly  overthrew  the 
liberties  and  destroyed  the  industries  of  a contented  and 
happy  people,  and  that  now  undertakes  to  govern  them  by 
a system  of  espionage  and  despotism  unworthy  of  the  Czar 
of  Russia.  As  the  battle  is  not  always  to  the  strong,  Eng- 
land’s humiliation  is  sure  to  come,  and  Ireland  will  yet  have 
her  own  Parliament,  and  enjoy  the  blessings  of  Home  Rule. 
Heaven  speed  that  day  ! 

Truly  and  sincerely  yours, 

J.  H.  Gallinger, 

M,  C,  of  New  Hampshire. 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

[“If  I were  an  Irishman  I would  fight  England  to  the 
bitter  end.*'  The  sentiment  which  Congressman  Gallinger 
here  expresses  is  a sentiment  which  every  honest  Irishman 
feels  and  encourages,  the  cant  against  “ dishonorable  war- 
fare" to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. — Ed.  1.  W.] 


154 


THE  STORY  OF  IRE  LA  HE. 


WHAT  GEN.  GLOVER  THINKS. 

“ I Love  the  Irish  Cause  Because  I Love  Liberty — It  is  the 
Cause  of  Washington.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington^  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford 

Dear  Sir: — You  request  me  to  give  you  my  views  upon 
the  condition  of  political  affairs  in  Ireland.  Though  I 
have  no  Irish  blood  in  my  veins,  this  is  a subject  upon  which 
I have  felt  intensely  since  my  earliest  youth,  and  that  fact 
illustrates  the  hold  which  Ireland  has  upon  the  sympathies 
of  Americans. 

I love  the  Irish  cause  because  I love  liberty.  It  is  the 
cause  of  Tell,  of  Kosciusko,  of  Washington;  and  it  is  the 
memories  of  ’76  that  stir  in  my  heart  when  I think  of  her 
long  and  noble  and  most  pathetic  struggle  for  independence. 

An  intervening  ocean  separated  us  from  the  greatest  mili- 
tary power  of  the  world.  Who  can  say  that,  if  it  had  been 
the  English  border,  we  could  have  gone  as  far  by  noble 
patience,  fortitude,  wisdom,  constitutional  and  pacific  means, 
and  matchless  diplomacy  as  has  Mr.  Parnell. 

Many  a time  has  that  brave  and  unhappy  country  a-hur- 
ried  to  the  field  and  snatched  the  spear,  but  left  the  shield. 
The  rising  flame  she  kindled  was  quenched  in  the  blood 
of  her  Emmets. 

She  has  been  fortunate  in  her  great  men, — Swift,  Flood, 
Grattan,  O’Connell;  but  they  all  reached  a point  where  it 
was  abandonment  or  hopeless  revolution.  It  was  reserved 
for  Parnell  to  avoid  that  fatal  point,  and  after  the  failure  of 
the  sword  to  conquer  liberty  by  diplomacy,  while  an  over- 
powering military  establishment  rusted  in  outraged  and 
enforced  idleness. 

When  I reflect  on  the  operation  of  the  cloture.,  the  tyran- 
nies of  the  Coercion  Acts,  the  I'jrutalities  of  martial  law — 
all  so  recent — and  willing  away  that  scene  as  if  it  were  a 
cloud  from  my  eyes,  1 see  the  position  of  transcendent  hope 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


155 


which  Parnell  now  occupies,  the  spectacle  is  one  that  would 
draw  tears  of  admiration  and  pity  from  a heart  not  wholly 
dead  to  generous  impulse. 

The  world  is  so  small,  the  forces  of  arbitrary  power  so 
banded  together,  that  the  cause  of  liberty  knows  no  coun- 
try or  clime,  and  its  friends  must  stand  together  all  over 
the  world.  We  are  the  “refuge  of  the  liberties  of  man- 
kind.’' We  have  a trust  to  perform  towards  all  other  peo- 
les  struggling  towards  freedom.  Happy,  prosperous,  smil- 
ing in  assured  peace  and  contentment,  a few  weeks  ago,  by 
a spontaneous  outburst  of  the  popular  heart  we  erected  a 
pedestal  to  the  statue  of  Liberty  presented  by  a sister  Re- 
public merely  to  show  that  the  cause  of  liberty  is  the  same 
all  over  the  world.  Will  the  American  people  do  more  for 
a sentiment  than  they  will  for  reality — more  for  a counter- 
feit presentiment  than  for  liberty  herself  struggling  to  rend 
her  chains  ? Sir,  I do  not  believe  it. 

For  myself,  I believe  that  only  a little  of  the  pecuniary 
aid  which  our  great  and  happy  country  is  so  well  able  to 
give,  is  needed  now  to  ensure  the  future  of  constitutional 
government  in  Ireland.  I have  contributed  according  to 
my  means.  I hope  never  to  be  forgotten  when  more  is 
needed  for  that  cause,  and  I am  proud  to  believe  that  the 
response  of  the  American  people  will  be  worthy  of  the  ob- 
ject in  view,  and  of  their  traditions,  their  history,  their 
abounding  generosity,  and  love  of  liberty. 

John  M.  Glover, 

M,  G,  of  Missouri. 

[“  I love  the  Irish  because  I love  liberty.  It  is  the  cause 
of  Tell,  of  Kosciusko,  of  Washington.”  That  is  the  kind 
of  talk  we  like  to  hear.  The  Irish  cause  appeals  to  the 
world  on  its  merits.  It  asks  only  justice.  The  supple- 
mentary remark  which  Mr.  Glover  appends — “I  have  con- 
tributed according  to  my  means,  and  I hope  never  to  be 
forgotten  when  more  is  needed  for  that  cause  ” — is  thor- 
oughly practical  and  proves  the  honesty  of  his  ardent  pro- 
fessions.— Ed,  I.  W.] 


156 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


ELY’S  INDICTMENT  OF  ENGLAND. 

“ An  American’s  Recollections  of  English  Outrages  in  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — I have  received  your  letter  of  the  14th  inst. 
expressing  a desire  to  publish  the  views  of  Senators  and 
Representatives  on  the  Irish  question  and  saying  “would 
be  pleased  to  have  letter  of  sympathy  from  you.” 

Far  more  consonant  with  my  sentiments  would  be  a letter 
of  admiration  of  that  heroic  constancy  and  devotion  of 
the  Irish  people  which  has  sustained  them  through  famine 
and  cold  and  nakedness  and  imprisonment  and  judicial 
murders  for  centuries,  and  which,  never  swerving  from  the 
rugged  and  often  bloody  path  leading  to  freedom  and  equal 
rights  in  Ireland,  has  struggled  onward  and  upward  until 
to*day  success  seems  to  be  near  at  hand.  Who  can  be 
so  wanting  in  the  ordinary  instinct  of  the  human  breast  as 
not  to  feel  a deeply  sincere  sympathy  for  the  trials  and 
sufferings  of  the  Irish  people,  and  abounding  admiration 
for  their  love  of  country  and  their  sacrifices  for  Ireland, 
and  an  earnest  aspiration  for  the  early  and  complete  success 
of  their  unparalleled  fortitude  and  endurance  ? 

In  the  school-books  of  my  youth  I well  remember  a pic- 
ture showing  an  humble  tenement  in  Ireland,  the  agent  of 
an  English  landlord  driving  away  the  only  cow,  and  on 
the  street  despairing  father  and  a weeping  mother  and  her 
little  children  clinging  to  her  worn-out  dress.  Ejected  from 
their  dwelling  house,  their  only  remaining  property  dis- 
trained for  rent,  this  family,  thus  situated,  was  the  best 
illustration  which  American  geographies  of  forty  years  ago 
could  furnish  of  the  condition  of  Ireland.  The  picture  is 
not  less  apt  to-day  than  thc7i.  Remembering  such  scenes  as 
these,  and  knowing  full  well  that  they  have  been  and  are 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


157 


common  in  the  rural  life  of  Ireland,  that  this  is  but  one  of 
many  oppressions  which  Ireland  has  endured  at  the  hands 
of  the  government  and  of  the  people  of  England,  that  her 
industries  have  been  crippled  and  often  destroyed  by  unjust 
laws,  and  that  her  men,  women,  and  children  have  been 
deprived  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  to  the  end  that  the  Eng- 
lish nobility  and  aristocracy  might  live  in  splendor  and  lux- 
ury, I feel  the  warmest  sympathy  and  interest  in  every  effort 
of  the  Irish  people  towards  the  attainment  of  their  just 
rights  and  the  permanent  establishment  of  their  own  affairs 
within  their  own  control.  I verily  believe  that  that  long- 
sought-for  day  will  surely  come;  deservedly  it  ought  to 
come.  If 

“ Men  who  their  duties  know, 

But  know  their  rights,  and,  knowing,  dare  maintain,” 

constitute  a State,  Irishmen  have  proved  themselves  worthy 
of  self-government.  . 

Very  truly  yours, 

Frederick  D.  Ely, 

M,  of  Massachusetts. 

[It  is  the  old,  old  story,  Mr.  Ely.  Plunder,  Eviction, 
Ruin  ! Such  were  the  scenes  a generation  ago  when  you 
were  a boy.  As  you  truly  say,  “ The  picture  is  not  less  apt 
to-day  than  then.*'  Tens  of  thousands  perished  in  the  Black 
’Forty-Seven.  But  there  was  no  real  famine.  There  was 
food  enough  in  the  country  to  keep  the  life  in  all  the  peo- 
ple, but  the  people  were  not  allowed  to  touch  that  food — 
the  product  of  their  own  hands  ! Had  Irishmen  known  their 
rights,  and  knowing  dared  maintain,  they  would  not  have 
been  denied.  Certain  death  was  in  sight.  The  Irish,  then, 
should  have  sold  their  lives  dearly.  They  should  have  died 
as  men  fighting  for  their  homes  and  their  little  ones,  not 
crawled  into  ditches  to  die  without  a struggle.  A people 
who  risked  their  lives  fighting  in  England’s  robber  wars  cer- 
tainly ought  to  have  done  as  much  for  themselves.  Mod- 
eration is  a good  doctrine  to  preach  to  Americans,  because 
the  Government  here  is  just  what  we  make  it,  and  all  evils 
can  be  removed  by  legal  methods;  but  desperate  cases 


158 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


require  desperate  remedies,  and  in  Ireland  desperation 
instead  of  being  repressed  should  on  occasions  have  been 
intensified  and  intelligently  directed.  Another  Famine  (so- 
called)  now  shows  its  horrid  front  in  Ireland.  It  remains 
to  be  seen  what  the  Irish  people  are  going  to  do  about  it. 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


WHAT  ABRAM  S.  HEWITT  THINKS. 

“ The  Adoption  of  the  Federal  Plan  the  Only  Solution  of  the 
Anglo-Irish  Difficulty. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  | 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — I do  not  think  it  necessary  to  add  anything 
to  my  repeated  declarations  of  sympathy  with  the  Irish  peo- 
ple in  their  efforts  to  secure  a redress  of  grievances.  I be- 
lieve in  the  right  of  every  people  to  govern  themselves,  sub- 
ject to  such  geographical  limitations  as  are  imposed  by 
nature.  I have  never  been  able  to  see  any  reason  why  Ire- 
land should  occupy  towards  Great  Britain  a relation  differ- 
ent in  any  respect  from  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union  in 
reference  to  the  general  government.  I have  never  re- 
garded the  separation  of  Ireland  from  England  as  a practi- 
cable measure  of  public  policy.  Nor  do  I believe  that 
such  a separation  would  be  for  the  interest  of  Ireland.  But 
Ireland  should  have  control  of  its  local  affairs  as  each  State 
in  the  Union  legislates  for  its  own  people,  subject  only  to 
the  national  will  as  limited  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  I think  that  much  is  to  be  learned  from  our  ex- 
ample. Very  truly  yours, 

Abram  S.  Hewitt, 

M.  C,,  of  New  York, 

[What  Mr.  Hewitt  says  about  “ the  right  of  every  peo- 
ple to  govern  themselves  subject  to  such  geographical  limi- 
tations as  are  imposed  by  nature  ” is  so  much  for  the  right 
of  Ireland  to  govern  herself.  Nature  has  made  her  a nation. 
England  and  Ireland  are  not  one  nation.  They  are  two 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


159 


distinct  countries  inhabited  by  two  distinct  peoples.  They 
are  neighbors;  they  are  not  and  they  cannot  be  one  body 
politic. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

LETTER  FROM  MR.  CAMPBELL. 

“Ireland  While  Hoping  for  the  Best  Should  be  Prepared  for 
the  Worst.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  appeal  for  the  cause  of  Ireland  and  Irish 
liberty  should  strike  a sympathetic  chord  in  the  heart  of 
every  patriotic  American  citizen,  native  or  naturalized. 
America  was  once  oppressed  as  Ireland  now  is,  and  with  the 
justice  of  her  cause  to  spur  her  on  she  cast  off  the  tyrant's 
yoke  and  stood  before  the  world  free  and  independent,  a 
nation  among  nations.  So  should  it  be  with  Ireland. 

It  is  too  late  to  talk  of  the  justice  of  the  principles  which 
Parnell  and  his  coadjutors  advocate.  That  injustice  has 
been  done  Ireland  no  honest  man  will  deny;  that  the  in- 
justice and  oppression  are  in  a fair  way  to  continue  unless 
something  be  done,  and  that  at  once,  no  one  will  gainsay. 
Now  is  the  time  for  Ireland  to  make  a move  for  herself. 
While  hoping  for  the  best  she  must  be  prepared  for  the 
worst  and  act  accordingly. 

I have  always  been  a supporter  of  the  Irish  movement, 
and  even  before  I arrived  at  the  age  of  maturity  I was  en- 
gaged in  it,  and  I am  still  in  sympathy  with  the  cause. 

Hoping  to  see  the  land  of  my  birth  on  the  same  footing 
with  grand  America,  and  assuring  you  of  my  earnest  sup- 
port in  the  noble  work  undertaken  and  its  accomplishment, 
I am,  very  truly  yours, 

T.  J.  Campbell, 

M.  C.y  of  New  York. 

[That  is  a shrewd  observation  of  Mr.  Campbell,  and  a 
sensible  advice  of  Irishmen,  to  “ hope  for  the  best  ” but  to 
“ be  prepared  for  the  worst  a7id act  accordingly.'" — Ed.  I.  W.] 


160 


THE  STORY  OF  IRE  LA  HD. 


FREEDOM’S  BATTLE  EVER  WON. 

“ I Trust  the  Day  of  Erin’s  Deliverance  is  at  Hand.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  T/ie  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — My  heart  goes  out  toward  the  Irish  peo- 
ple in  their  battle  for  liberty. 

I bid  them  God-speed  and  trust  that  the  day  of  Erin's  de- 
liverance is  at  hand. 

That  day  must  come  sooner  or  later, 

‘ For  freedom’s  battle  once  begun, 

Bequeathed  by  bleeding  sire  to  son, 

Though  baffled  oft,  is  ever  ’won.” 

I am,  truly  yours, 

Wm.  Warner, 

M.  C,  of  Missouri. 

FROM  GOVERNOR  LARRABEE. 

There  Can  be  but  One  Verdict  Among  Americans  on  the  Eng- 
lish-Irish  Question,  and  that  in  Favor  of  Ireland. 

State  of  Iowa,  ) 

Executive  Office,  Des  Moines.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  New  York. 

Dear  Sir: — In  my  opinion  there  can  be  but  one  verdict 
respecting  the  Irish  Cause  among  a liberty-loving  people 
like  ours.  Home  Rule  for  Ireland  should  find  an  echo  in 
every  truly  American  heart. 

It  is  indeed  gratifying  to  me  to  see  that  this  just  demand 
of  the  Irish  people  has  become  a vital  issue  on  which  for 
some  time  to  come  no  English  ministry  can  rise  and  none 
shall  fall  until  the  right  finally  prevails. 

I am,  dear  Sir,  Yours  very  truly, 

Wm^  Larrabee, 

Governor  of  Iowa. 

[It  is  gratifying  to  think  that  if  England  refuse  to  let 
Ireland  manage  Irish  affairs  it  is  in  Ireland’s  power  to  pre- 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


161 


vent  England  from  managing  English  affairs  in  the  good, 
old,  placid  way.  This  by  playing  off  one  party  against  the 
other.  But  it  is  not  safe  to  repose  too  securely  on  this 
aspect.  Hatred  of  Ireland  is  strong  and  deep-seated  in  the 
breasts  of  Englishmen  of  all  parties  to  make  them  one  party 
when  the  demand  for  Home  Rule  is  pushed  to  the  point 
when  Englishmen  must  answer  “Yes”  or  “No.’’  No 
honest  dispositiofi  exists  in  E7igla7id  to  do  right  by  Irela7id, 
Every  page  of  Anglo-Irish  history  teaches  this.  If  England 
has  at  last  experienced  a “ change  of  heart”  God  knows, 
not  we.  We  sincerely  hope  she  has,  and  we  shall  with 
thankfulness  recognize  the  fact — if  fact  it  be — when  reason- 
able evidence  is  submitted. — Ed.  I.  W.] 

FROM  MR.  WM.  WOODBURN. 

He  is  “ in  Perfect  Harmony  With  the  Views  of  The  Irish 
World.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  f 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

Dear  Sir: — In  answer  to  your  letter  asking  for  an  ex- 
pression of  opinion  upon  the  grave  questions  now  agitated 
by  the  Irish  people  I have  only  to  say  that  I always  have 
been  and  still  am  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  views  so  long 
and  ably  expressed  in  your  estimable  paper.  The  IrishWorld. 

Born  and  reared  in  the  shadows  of  the  Wicklow  Moun- 
tains, to  me  sanctified  by  the  deeds  of  Byrne,  Holt,  Dwyer, 
and  Parnell,  I could  entertain  none  other.  Believing  that 
Home  Rule,  in  the  strictest  sense  of  that  term,  is  a near 
certainty,  and  that  its  acquirement  means  complete  Irish 
independence  in  the  future, 

I am,  very  respectfully  yours, 

Wm.  Woodburn, 

M^  C,  of  Nevada, 

[We  are  not  infallible,  and  hope  we  are  not  egotistical; 
but  we  cannot  help  respecting  our  own  convictions,  and 
any  Irishman  who  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  views  of 
The  Irish  World  is  a good  enough  Irishman  for  us. — Ed. 
I.  W.] 


II 


162 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE LA  ATE. 


CONGRESSMAN  MERRIMAN. 

“Wants  to  See  Ireland  an  Independent  Republic.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 

Patrick  Ford,  Editor  T/ie  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — You  ask  for  my  views  on  the  struggle 
of  the  Irish  people  for  the  opportunity  to  govern  themselves. 
I am,  as  every  true  American  should  be,  heartily  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  people  who  are  striving  for  that  end.  I trust 
that  the  victory  of  Mr.  Parnell  and  his  steadfast  lieutenants 
in  the  recent  elections  will  result  in  the  establishment  of  a 
Parliament  for  Ireland,  and  that  at  no  distant  day  the  Irish 
people  may  be  an  independent  nation  with  a republican 
form  of  government.  Very  truly  yours, 

T.  A.  Merriman, 

M.  C.,  of  New  York, 

[“  An  independent  nation  with  a republican  form  of  gov- 
ernment.” That’s  it.  That  is  the  ultimate  of  this  move- 
ment of  centuries. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


WEBER  UTTERS  A HISTORICAL  TRUTH. 

“ England  Never  Gives  Anything  Save  What  Is  Wrenched 
From  Her  by  Force.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Even  a casual  observer  must  see  that  your 
struggle  in  Ireland  is  but  the  “ irrepressible  conflict  ” be- 
tween the  oppressed  and  the  oppressor.  The  tendency 
everywhere  is  towards  government  by  the  people,  and  to  the 
free  institutions  of  America  should  be  credited  the  spirit 
which  is  leavening  the  world. 

Our  growth  and  prosperity  are  gradually  undermining 
the  monarchies  of  tlie  old  world,  and  we  should  examine 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


163 


with  a caution  akin  to  suspicion  the  advice  given  by  a peo- 
ple [the  English]  who  are  our  commercial  rivals,  and  in 
whose  treatment  of  our  interests  their  history  fails  to  reveal 
concessions  not  wrung  from  them  by  force. 

J.  B.  Weber, 

M,  C.f  of  New  York. 

[Mr.  Weber  is  a level-headed  and  clear-sighted  man. 
He  sees  that  America  is  responsible  in  large  measure  for 
the  struggles  of  liberty  witnessed  in  other  countries,  and 
that  instead  of  being  ashamed  of  the  influence  of  our  ex- 
ample we  should  glory  in  it.  He  has  read  Anglo-American 
history  to  advantage.  He  knows  the  crimes  of  England 
on  this  side  of  the  ocean,  he  knows  her  treacheries  and 
double-dealings,  and  he  would  not  trust  her.  The  history 
of  the  English  people  “reveal  no  concessions  not  wrung 
from  them  by  force.'' — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  BELFORB. 

‘‘  When  asked  Why  America’s  Sympathy  for  Ireland,  I 
answer  because  Ireland  Helped  to  Achieve  American 
Independence.  ” 

Denver,  Col.,  Feb  9,  1886. 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — I send  you  a portion  of  Judge  Belford's 
speech  for  publication  and  I do  hope  that  you  will  comply 
with  our  request,  as  a good  many  of  our  members  take  The 
Irish  Worlds  and  would  be  glad  to  see  it  in  the  columns  of 
your  great  paper.  I suppose  that  you  are  informed  of  Mr. 
Belford's  sympathy  for  the  Irish  people  before  now,  I am 
desirous  to  have  the  pleasure  of  showing  him  that  portion 
of  his  address  in  your  journal. 

J.  B.  Dowling, 

M.  C.,  of  Colorado. 

Why  America  ought  to  have  Sympathy  for  Ireland. 

When  asked  whence  comes  our  sympathy  for  Ireland,  I 
answer,  because  Irishmen  helped  us  to  achieve  our  National 


164 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


independence.  It  was  after  Gates  had  captured  Burgoyne. 
It  was  after  the  battles  on  the  heights  of  Charleston  and 
Fort  Moultrie  had  been  fought.  It  was  after  Germantown 
and  Brandywine  and  Trenton  and  Princetown  and  Mon- 
mouth, in  which  battles  many  an  Irishman  had  laid  down 
his  life,  that  the  Lilies  of  France  floated  into  the  field  with 
the  Star  Spangled  Banner.  Nature  had  painted  green  the 
graves  of  many  an  Irishman  who  had  died  in  defence  of  his 
adopted  country  before  the  fleet  of  De  Grasse  had  touched 
the  waters  of  the  York  River.  Whence  comes  our  sympa- 
thy for  Ireland  ? Have  you  ever  read  of  the  terrible  days 
of  that  awful  field  of  Valley  Forge,  when  an  army  without 
food  or  clothing  or  shoes,  amid  the  agonies  of  hunger  and 
the  pains  of  cold,  kept  watch  over  the  liberties  of  this  young 
Nation?  Do  you  recollect  the  fact  that  an  Irish  regiment, 
shoeless,  naked,  unfed  and  unpaid,  with  a view  to  compel  the 
Continental  Congress  to  secure  some  money  by  which  these 
ends  and  objects  could  be  advanced  and  accomplished,  mu- 
tinied for  a day  ? The  English  heard  of  this  mutiny.  Gen- 
eral Howe  sent  messengers  to  Washington’s  army.  He  told 
the  Irish: — “ If  you  will  come  back,  if  you  are  hungry,  we 
will  feed  you;  if  you  are  naked,  we  will  clothe  you;  if  you 
are  unpaid,  we  will  advance  you  money;  we  will  fill  up  the 
measure  of  your  bounties;  we  will  forgive  your  past  offences, 
and  our  royal  master  will  take  you  back  to  his  bosom.” 
But  what  said  the  Irish  ? They  did  not  hesitate  a moment 
in  that  critical  period  of  the  history  of  the  nation.  They 
sent  those  messengers  to  Washington’s  tent,  informed  him 
that  they  were  spies  from  the  British  camp,  and  Washington 
hung  them  all  higher  than  Haman. 

American  Suffering  and  Irish  Sympathy  at  Valley 
Forge. 

Did  you  ever  read  the  terrible  history  of  that  awful  Win- 
ter at  Valley  Forge  when  the  destinies  of  the  Republic 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


165 


seemed  to  be  congealed  by  the  snows  that  covered  the  earth, 
when  the  soldiers  were  without  clothes,  with  ragged  tents, 
with  poor  fires,  with  bleeding  feet,  without  shoes  to  protect 
them  ? Did  you  ever  think  of  a man  perishing  with  hunger 
and  looking  out  in  the  distance  and  seeing  a neighbor  ap- 
proaching with  a basket  full  of  food  ? Look  to  that  moun- 
tain top.  Over  it  comes  a wagon  covered  with  canvas.  It 
is  a strange  spectacle,  unseen  but  by  the  army  of  the  Con- 
tinentals. The  soldiers  stare  and  glare  at  it.  By  and  by 
another  comes.  A squad  assembles  and  another  comes, 
and  then  through  the  clear  air  and  over  the  pure  snow  is 
heard  the  voice  of  a soldier  in  the  hour  of  agony  and  dis- 
tress: “ Here  come  the  wagons  of  relief’’ — and,  bless  God, 
it  was  a wagon-train  of  relief,  filled  with  food,  blankets,  and 
shoes,  and  molasses,  and  crackers,  and  everything  needful 
to  administer  to  human  comfort.  But  pause  a moment. 
Who  sent  that  wagon  train  there  ? Thirty-four  Irishmen 
from  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  with  it  they  sent  $103,000 
of  Pennsylvania  gold  and  silver.  Should  we  not  sympathize 
with  the  Irish  ? These  are  the  occasions  of  our  sympathies 
and  the  endearing  foundations  of  our  friendship.  For  700 
years  England  has  been  the  enemy  of  Ireland  and  for  200 
years  the  enemy  of  America.  No  man  can  read  her  legisla- 
tion touching  either  country  without  a feeling  of  horror. 
Her  whole  history  towards  Ireland  has  been  but  a continued 
chapter  of  horrors,  first  designed  to  depopulate  the  island 
that  the  profligate  kings  might  reward  truculent  favorites 
and  nobles  with  estates  stolen  from  families  that  had  held 
them  for  a thousand  years.  Whence  our  sympathy  for  the 
Irish  ? We  point  with  pride,  as  stimulating  to  us  as  it  is 
to  the  civilized  world,  to  Bunker  Hill.  Do  you  know  that 
the  name  of  that  hill  was  derived  from  a little  mountain  in 
the  north  of  Ireland  ? 


1G6 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


LETTER  FROM  COLONEL  BRADY. 

‘‘A  Brave  Soldier  Who  Bore  the  Green  Flag  of  Ireland  in  the 
War  for  the  Republic.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  f 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

My  Dear  Sir: — The  proudest  boast  I make  to  my  chil- 
dren is  that  they  are  of  pure  Irish  lineage;  and  when  I tell 
you  this,  and  that  during  the  war  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  great  American  Union  I had  the  honor  of  serving  in 
“ Meagher’s  Irish  Brigade;”  that  for  some  time  I was  Ad- 
jutant General  on  the  staff  of  that  eloquent  orator,  gallant 
and  brave  soldier,  noble-hearted  Thomas  Francis  Meagher; 
that  I commanded  the  63rd  N.Y.  Volunteers  of  the  Irish 
Brigade  in  the  grand  review  given  in  honor  of  the  Union 
Veterans  in  New  York  City,  July  4th,  1865;  that  I still 
keep  carefully  the  Green  Flag  of  Erin  presented  by  the 
American  citizens  of  New  York  to  my  regiment  on  the 
bloody  battle-field  of  Fredericksburg  a few  days  after  our 
Irish  Brigade’s  famous  charge  upon  Mayre’s  Heights,  Dec. 
13th,  1862;  need  I,  can  I,  say  more  to  assure  you^  Mr. 
Ford,  who  have  labored  so  hard  and  done  so  much  for  the 
cause,  of  my  earnest  sympathy  for  the  movement  to  make 

Ireland  a nation  ! ” 

Liberty,  truth,  and  justice  have  slept  too  long  for  the 
land  of  my  fathers.  Sad  and  weary,  long  and  painful,  has 
been  the  waiting  of  the  noble  and  true  sons  of  Ireland  for 
the  dawn  of  the  glorious  and  happy  day  of  freedom. 

God  grant  before  the  end  of  the  present  year  that  our 
brothers  at  home  may  be  able  to  grasp  the  precious  boon 
and  keep  it  forever  is  the  fervent  hope  and  earnest  prayer  of 
one  who  loves  her  people  and  her  cause. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Jas.  D.  Brady, 

M.  C,  of  Virginia, 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMEPICANS. 


167 


[A  man  who  admires  Thomas  Francis  Meagher,  and  who 
has  respect  for  and  believes  in  the  principles  of  The  Irish 
Worlds  will  not  wish  to  see  the  good  work  cease  until  he 
has  hailed  Ireland  a Nation  Such  a man,  we  believe,  is 
Colonel  Brady.— Ed.  I.  W.] 

CONGRESSMAN  RYAN  AFFIRMS. 

“ Every  True  American  Heart  is  in  Sympathy  With  Ireland.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ] 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

My  Dear  Sir: — You  say  you  would  be  pleased  to  have 
an  expression  of  sympathy  from  me  for  Ireland.  Do  you 
•know  that  every  true  American  heart  is  in  full  sympathy 
with  Ireland  ? Think  you  there  lives  a man,  of  whatsoever 
race  or  clime,  with  heart  and  mind  enough  to  hate  oppres- 
sion, whose  soul  is  not  breathing  a fervent  hope  for  Ireland's 
freedom  ? 

Liberty  throughout  the  world  bears  the  impress  of  her 
sons.  In  nearly  every  country  on  the  earth  their  great 
achievements  in  war  and  in  peace,  in  arts  and  science,  in 
politics  and  pulpit,  in  law  and  literature,  are  acknowledged 
with  admiration,  but  in  their  own  unhappy  Ireland  they  are 
the  debased  slaves  of  a wicked  power,  bent  upon  a policy 
of  oppression  as  unwise  as  it  is  cruel.  Very  truly  yours, 

Thos.  Ryan. 

M,  C,  of  Kansas. 

J.  B.  WAKEFIELD. 

‘‘  Yours  for  Ireland’s  Deliverance.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — In  response  to  your  letter  I take  pleasure  in 
assuring  you  and  through  you  the  thousands  of  Irishmen 
who  read  The  Irish  World  that  the  heroic  struggle  of  your 


168 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


race  for  independence,  under  the  leadership  of  the  patriotic 
and  able  Parnell,  has  long  enlisted  my  warmest  sympa- 
thies. 

If  a nation  crushed  to  the  earth  by  a heartless  and  brutal 
despotism  has  ever  earned,  by  fortitude  and  patience  and 
loyalty  to  birthland,  the-  right  to  that  precious  boon  which 
is  the  aspiration  of  all  intelligent  patriotism,  then  surely  has 
that  fairest  flower  of  the  earth  ” richly  merited  the  fullest 
realization  of  her  hopes. 

Through  many  years  of  discouragement  and  darkness 
her  noble  army  of  martyrs  were  sustained  and  comforted  by 
their  prophetic  confidence  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  justice 
and  the  right.  Her  orators  and  scholars,  her  statesmen 
and  poets,  gave  freely  of  their  best  thoughts  to  the  great 
cause  they  loved.  At  last  they  see  before  them  the  clouds 
and  the  pillar  of  fire  that  by  day  and  night  guide  them 
through  the  wilderness  to  the  goal  of  their  earnest  longings. 

Ireland  and  Irishmen  command  the  sympathy  and  ad- 
miration of  all  peoples  who  love  liberty  and  hate  oppres- 
sion. 

The  dawn  approaches.  Let  us  hope,  as  we  are  now 
justified  in  hoping,  that  ere  long  we  may  be  permitted  to 
behold  a new  and  glorious  nation,  standing  erect  with  free 
and  uplifted  head  crowned  with  the  laurels  of  victory,  and 

under  her  feet  a lion  bound.” 

Very  truly  yours  for  Ireland's  deliverance, 

J.  B.  Wakefield, 

M.  C,  of  Minnesota. 

[The  figure  here  sketched  of  Erin  “standing  erect  with 
free  and  uplifted  head,  crowned  with  the  laurels  of  victory, 
and  under  her  feet  a lion  bound,”  conceived  as  it  is  in  a 
prophetic  mood,  is  pleasing  to  gaze  upon.  It  would  not  be 
a bad  siil)ject  for  a cartoon  in  The  Irish  World.  Mr.  Wake- 
field evidently  is  not  anxious  to  pass  himself  off  for  one  of 
those  “ Americans  ” who  are  “loyal  to  England.” — Ed. 
I.  W.J 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


169 


CONGRESSMAN  COLE. 

Ireland  a Nation  the  Dream  of  My  Youth  and  the  Aspiration 
of  My  Riper  Manhood.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Your  heart-inspiring  letter  is  before  me. 
I feel  its  truth  and  force,  and  I shall  be  glad  for  you  to 
enroll  my  humble  name  as  a friend  of  the  Irish  cause. 
“ Ireland  as  a Nation was  one  of  the  dreams  of  my  youth 
and  became  the  aspiration  of  my  riper  manhood.  Though 
an  American  citizen  I feel  as  devoted  to  the  cause  of  the 
Independence  of  Ireland  as  the  most  devoted  of  her  children. 
The  names  of  her  patriots  Emmet,  the  Sheares  brothers, 
Fitgzerald,  and  others,  who  gave  their  lives  that  liberty 
might  live,  are  precious  to  me.  Seated  in  the  Wishing 
Chair  at  the  Giant's  Causeway  I uttered  to  Heaven  the  wish 
that  Ireland  might  soon  be  free.  In  the  visitor’s  book  at 
the  hotel  in  Queenstown  I wrote  the  day  I left  Ireland, 
“ God  Save  Ireland  but  when  I saw  in  that  beautiful  and 
fertile  island  the  misery,  famine,  and  pestilence  caused  by 
English  misrule  I determined  that  as  long  as  I lived  I 
would  do  all  in  my  power  to  assist  that  unhappy  people  to- 
wards the  attainment  of  that  liberty  and  independence  which 
is  their  birthright.  Since  then  I have  kept  my  word,  and  I 
have  striven  to  the  extent  of  my  poor  ability  to  serve  this 
sacred  cause.  I have  served  as  secretary  of  the  State 
Council  of  the  Land  League  in  Maryland  with  all  my  ability 
until  a recent  date,  and  I now  have  the  honor  of  being 
President  of  the  East  Baltimore  Branch,  I.  N.  L.  I am  also 
a member  of  St.  Peter’s  and  Old  Town  branches  in  Balti- 
more. I have  also  been  a delegate  to  every  National  Con- 
vention but  one.  I am  delegate  elect  to  the  next  Conven- 
tion, and  have  been  appointed  by  the  Land  League  in  Mary- 


170 


THE  STORY  OF  IRE  LA  HI). 


land  to  escort  Mr.  Parnell  to  Chicago.  I feel  this  as  a 
proud  distinction. 

It  is  often  charged  that  gentlemen  in  politics  unite  them- 
selves to  such  movements  to  advance  their  own  interests. 
This  may  be  true  in  many  cases,  but  I do  not  feel  any  self- 
reproach  of  this  kind.  The  cause  of  Irish  liberty  is  a sacred 
one  to  me,  and  for  what  I have  tried  to  do  I ask  for  no 
man’s  approval  and  care  for  no  man’s  disapproval.  On 
that  great  Day  of  final  judgment  I will  stand  before  my  un- 
erring Judge  and  offer  up  what  little  I have  been  able  to  do 
for  Ireland  with  confident  reliance  of  some  atonement  for 
the  evils  and  shortcomings  of  my  life. 

No  one  has  felt  more  gratification  than  myself  at  the  on- 
ward course  towards  the  goal  of  all  our  hopes  made  by  Par- 
nell and  his  earnest  followers.  I have  the  honor  of  being 
his  warm  personal  friend,  and  I have  felt  great  pride  in  his 
success.  His  career  is  the  sublimest  picture  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Unarmed,  he  has  proven  himself  mightier 
than  the  armies  and  navy  of  England;  uncrowned,  he  is  the 
acknowledged  chieftain  of  an  heroic  race,  and  in  the  im- 
perial Parliament  his  foes  themselves  admit  he  has  no  peer. 

I join  with  you  and  with  every  other  lover  of  liberty  in 
the  acclaim  of  justice  for  Ireland.  Should  opportunity 
occur  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  I shall  not  be 
backward  in  speaking  an  humble  word  in  behalf  of  Ireland. 
The  sentiment  of  sympathy  for  Ireland  is  universal  in  this 
great  land.  You  do  right  in  addressing  me  as  a friend  of 
Irish  liberty.  It  is  my  proudest  hope  to  find  my  name  en- 
rolled among  the  humblest  of  her  followers,  and  it  is  my 
constant  prayer  that  the  great  God  of  nations,  may  bless 
that  people  with  liberty,  independence,  and  happiness. 

Very  truly, 

W.  H.  Cole; 

M.  C.^  of  Maryland. 

[There  is,  as  Mr.  Cole  hints,  too  much  cant  and  too 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS.  I7l 

much  uncharitable  stricture  on  the  acts  of  public  men. 
Politicans  are  like  other  men — good,  bad,  and  indifferent. 
Like  other  men  they  are  actuated  by  various  motives,  and 
the  motive  that  influences  each  is  best  known  to  his  own 
soul.  It  is  our  sincere  opinion,  however,  that  “ politicians,'' 
flippantly  as  they  are  spoken  of  as  a class,  are  more  patri- 
otic, more  generous,  and  more  spirited  than  the  average 
business  man;  and  the  wealthier  the  business  man  is  the 
meaner  and  more  sordid  he  is  found  to  be,  particularly  when 
Ireland  appeals  for  aid.  The  few  honorable  exceptions 
that  can  be  cited  only  prove  the  rule. — Ed.  I.  W.] 


FRANK  LAWLER’S  OPINION. 

“Press  Ever  Onward  Until  Ireland  Is,  in  Fact,  a Nation.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir — As  an  American  who  learned  the  story  of 
Ireland  from  an  Irish  father  and  imbibed  a hatred  of 
tryanny,  hence  a love  for  Irish  song,  music,  and  mirth, 
Irish  nationality  and  Ireland  from  an  Irish  Celtic  mother,  I 
would  be  unworthy  of  being  an  American,  a renegade  to 
my  race,  and  but  a poor  subject  of  this  the  cradle  of  liberty 
if  I did  not  re-echo  the  demand  of  him  I hope  to  see 
Ireland’s  Washington,  Charles  Stewart  Parnell,  and  add 
my  voice  to  that  of  the  universal  Irish  race,  “ Ireland  a 
nation." 

Not  only  do  I see  Ireland  a nation  in  the  near  future 
blessing  man,  and  with  her  spirit  of  toleration,  hospitality, 
intelligence,  and  genius,  but  when  I look  down  over  the 
checkered  panorama  of  Ireland’s  history,  steadfast  to  right, 
immovable  from  her  determination  to  have  liberty — Irish 
liberty  and  no  half-way  measures — I recognize  in  her  the 
beacon-light  of  human  liberty  that  will  give  to  the  world 
that  government  whose  vital  principle  is  expressed  in  the 
Golden  Rule  “ Do  unto  others  as  you  would  have  others  do 


172 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE  LA  HD. 


unto  you/'  Let  us  continue,  then,  to  aid  Parnell  and  all 
who  are  enemies  of  the  common  foe, 

Expect  not  too  much.  Be  ready  to  take  every  concession, 
and  press  to  the  front  for  more,  until  Ireland  is,  in  fact,  a 
nation.  When  that  glorious  day  comes  the  Irish  people 
will  have  much  reason  to  thank  The  Irish  World  for  its 
great  aid  in  this  much  to-be  wished-for  boon  to  mankind. 

Yours  in  the  cause, 

Frank  Lawler, 

M.  C.y  of  Illinois, 

[Mr.  Lawler  gives  good  advice  to  the  Irish  people. 
Careful  not  to  dampen  the  ardor  of  their  enthusiasm,  he 
nevertheless  offer  this  caution  and  this  practical  hint: 
“ Expect  not  too  much;  be  ready  to  take  every  concession; 
and  press  to  the  front  for  more  until  Ireland  is,  in  fact,  a 
nation."— Ed.  I.  W.] 

FELIX  CAMPBELL’S  VIEWS. 

“ The  Current  for  Irish  Freedom  too  Strong  to  be  Stemmed.” 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Here  in  Washington  where  the  spirit  of 
our  institutions  is  most  keenly  felt,  and  where  the  senti- 
ment of  the  whole  community  may  be  said  to  be  concen- 
trated in  the  persons  of  chosen  representatives,  the  sym- 
pathy which  goes  out  to  the  Irish  leader  is  most  general. 

This,  in  my  judgment,  speaks  for  much.  It  is  not  merely 
a feeling  fostered  by  Irishmen  and  extended  in  justice  to  a 
worthy  and  generous  race,  it  is  a crystallization  of  the  in- 
born sentiment  in  all  true  Americans  which  protests  against 
oppression,  strikes  at  tyranny,  and  stands  for  independent 
manhood  and  the  right  of  a people  to  govern  themselves 
the  world  over,  whether  as  against  England  or  the  allied 
powers  of  the  Eastern  hemisphere.  Certainly  the  agitation 
could  receive  no  more  loyal  or  devoted  encouragement  than 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


173 


it  does  among  our  public  men  as  a body,  of  whom,  I am 
happy  to  say,  a large  proportion  trace  back  their  ancestry 
to  the  unhappy  isle  which  is  now  so  near  deliverance. 

I think,  my  dear  Sir,  you  will  agree  with  me  in  saying 
that  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  speak  for  myself.  Those 
who  know  me  will  avow  that  I have  always  been  found 
anxious  to  further  the  cause  in  any  way  within  my  power, 
cherishing  always  the  abiding  conviction  that,  although  long 
delayed,  the  nationalization  of  Ireland  would  be  brought 
about  when  an  enlightened  civilization  should  have  a true 
appreciation  of  the  merits  of  the  appeal.  The  current  was 
and  is  too  strong  to  be  stemmed.  It  may  carry  with  it  a 
great  deal  more  than  is  now” anticipated. 

With  much  respect,  I am,  my  dear  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Felix  Campbell, 

M,  C.,  oj  New  York, 

[Petty  concessions  of  some  sort  of  local  self-government, 
doubtless,  will  be  granted;  but  no  English  party  will  give  to 
Ireland  a Parliament  adequate  to  her  wants.  Of  this  we 
are  morally  certain.  But  Ireland  will  have  her  own  again, 
though  she  has  to  reach  it  by  stages.  They  may  delay,  but 
they  cannot  forever  keep  back.  As  Mr.  Campbell  says, 
“ the  current  was  and  is  too  strong  to  be  stemmed.  It  fnay 
carry  with  it  a great  deal  more  thari  is  now  anticipated,'" — 
Ed.  I.  W.] 


VICE-PRESIDENT  HENDRICKS. 

His  last  public  utterance  was  at  Indianapolis,  Ind.,  on 
the  8th  of  Sept,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Irish  National 
League.  Mayor  McMaster,  Republican,  introduced  Mr.- 
Hendricks,  and  the  Vice-President,  whom  we  as  a nation 
mourn  to-day,  said: 

Every  Irishman  here  to-night,  every  Irishman  in  Amer- 
ica, is  a protest  against  the  governing  of  Ireland  by  England. 
How  is  it  that  you  are  here,  having  left  almost  the  most 


174 


THE  SrOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


beautiful  land  in  the  world  ? Perhaps  no  part  of  this  globe 
is  more  attractive  than  Ireland,  and  yet  you  left  Ireland. 
You’re  here  because  you  could  not  get  good  government 
in  Ireland.  Forty-five  years  ago  the  population  of  the 
‘ Green  Isle  ’ was  nine  millions  of  people,  a large  population 
for  a region  of  country  only  the  size  of  Indiana.  To-day, 
after  the  lapse  of  forty-five  years,  that  population  is  only 
five  millions,  a loss  in  less  than  half  a century  of  four 
millions  of  people,  almost  an  entire  half  of  the  entire  popu- 
lation gone  from  Ireland.  I know  the -famine  of  1843 
much  to  do  with  this,  but  bad  government  and  cruelties  by 
her  landlords  have  done  more  than  famine  and  pestilence 
to  depopulate  the  beautiful  isle.  I would  say  it  was  a 
serious  matter  when  a man  or  a woman  chooses  to  leave  the 
home  that  has  been  the  home  of  ancestors  for  many  cen- 
turies; and  when,  on  acount  of  bad  government,  unjust  laws, 
and  a cruel  system  of  tenantry,  there  has  been  driven  away 
almost  half  of  the  population,  the  question,  ‘ What  is  to  be 
done  ? ’ comes  up.  It  cannot  remain  always  this  way.  The 
landlord  who  draws  the  rent  cannot  always  enjoy  it  in  Paris 
and  London.  He  must  have  part  in  the  fortunes  of  the 
people  of  the  country  or  quit.  It  cannot  always  be  that 
the  people  of  Ireland  are  to  be  oppressed.  I think  the  day 
of  tyranny  in  every  form  is  to  pass  away,  and  that  the  day 
is  soon  to  come  when  all  men  will  be  blessed  with  good 
government  and  just  laws. 

tjc  * * * He  * 

“ The  mission  of  the  men  sent  from  Ireland  to  Parliament 
is  to  have  for  Ireland  what  we  Indianians  enjoy — to  claim 
the  right  to  make  her  own  laws,  simply  because  we  can 
regulate  our  own  affairs  better  than  any  one  else  can  regu- 
late them  for  us:  so  Irishmen  on  their  own  soil,  for  that 
simple  reason,  must  be  the  legislators  for  Ireland.  That 
was  the  great  argument  first  asserted  in  this  country. 

“One  hundred  years  have  established  the  fact  that  self- 


OPINIONS  OP  EMINENT  AMERICANS, 


175 


government  with  respect  to  local  affairs  is  the  true  system 
of  government  in  this  world. 

“ The  great  trouble  in  Ireland  to-day  is  the  land.  Where 
there  is  trouble  with  the  lands  in, any  country  the  trouble  is 
exceedingly  great.  Much  has  been  done  in  Ireland  to 
make  better  the  conditions  of  the  tenant,  but  the  land 
trouble  still  exists,  and  it  must  be  regulated.  It  must  be 
regulated  as  we  regulate  such  matters  in  Indiana — by  legis- 
lators from  the  soil.  No  question  can  arise  between  land- 
lord and  tenant  in  Indiana  that  is  not  regulated  by  our 
Legislature.  So  Ireland  must  have  local  self-government. 
Who  in  Indiana  would  trust  to  any  other  State  the  legis- 
lation for  her  schools,  the  building  up  of  her  industries  ? 
So,  according  to  Mr.  Parnell,  not  only  the  agricultural 
classes,  but  the  mechanics,  the  people  of  the  cities  and 
towns,  must  live,  and  when  Ireland  becomes  clothed  with 
the  right  and  power  of  local  self-government,  these  matters 
will  be  cared  for.  This  is  a doctrine  so  plainly  expressed 
and  so  pow.erful  in  its  application  to  human  interests  that  it 
will  never  stop.  It  will  go  on.  It  is  not  reasonable  that  in 
London  the  relation  of  the  landlord  and  the  tenant  in  Ire- 
land shall  be  fixed.  It  is  against  reason  and  justice  that 
such  a practice  should  permanently  prevail.  * * * * 

I think  this  cause  will  go  further  than  has  been  yet  men- 
tioned. It  will  result  in  just  what  we  have — a written  Con- 
stitution. Ah,  that  is  what  I hope  to  see,  Ireland  to  be 
governed  by  a written  Constitution.  Will  it  not  be  a grand 
sight  when,  in  the  city  of  Dublin,  there  will  meet  a constitu- 
tional convention  to  form  a constitution  for  Ireland  ? I 
observe  Mr.  Parnell  favors  only  one  branch,  one  Parliamen- 
tary body.  He  is  afraid  of  a House  of  Lords,  perhaps,  but 
he  could  have,  as  we  have  here,  a Senate  in  its  stead,  and 
thus  be  saved  from  errors  and  faults  of  legislation.  I do 
not  know  of  anything  that  would  give  me  greater  pleasure 
than  to  attend  that  constitutional  convention  in  Dublin. 


176 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


[Great  cheering.]  I want  to  live  until  that  time.  Let  us 
come  back  to  the  great  question  which  lies  at  the  founda- 
tion of  Government,  the  question  of  the  right  of  the  people 
to  make  their  own  laws,  and  that  no  other  power  has  the 
right  to  make  laws  for  them.  You  remember  where  we 
stood  one  hundred  years  back.  You  remember  in  the  De- 
claration of  Independence  we  asserted  the  right  of  men  to 
govern  themselves.  That  is  the  great  foundation  idea  of 
America,  and  is  now  being  applied  in  Ireland,  a cause  to 
which  you  are  to  give  your  sympathy  and  support  — the 
right  of  man  to  govern  himself  and  to  abolish  laws  that  are 
inimical  to  his  welfare.  In  Hope  that  principle  was  as- 
serted AT  Bunker  Hill,  and  in  glorious  triumph  it  was 
PROCLAIMED  AT  Yorktown.'’  [Great  applause.] 


MAYOR  CRAWLEY  OF  ALEXANDRIA,  LA. 

Mayor’s  Office,  ) 
Alexandria,  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir — I unhesitatingly  and  emphatically  say  that  the 
heroic  efforts  now  being  made  by  Parnell  and  his  faithful 
and  able  coadjutors  receive  my  unqualified  endorsement.  I 
am  in  full  sympathy  with  the  present  movement,  or  any  other, 
that  will  secure,  by  the  employment  or  through  the  agency 
of  legitimate  means,  an  improvement  or  amelioration  of  the 
present  condition  of  that  oppressed  race.  Being  one  of  the 
innumerable  host  who  has  sought  in  the  “ Land  of  Washing- 
ton ” that  liberty  and  freedom  which  was  denied  him  in  the 
land  of  his  birth,  it  is  but  natural  that  I should  seize  the 
opportunity  now  afforded  me  to  go  on  record  through  the 
medium  of  your  valuable  journal  as  an  uncompromising 
advocate  of  liberty  for  Ireland. 

Yours  respectfully, 

Thos.  Crawley, 

Mayor, 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


177 


HON.  U.  A.  WOODBURY. 

Mayor's  Office,  ) 
Burlington,  Vt.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir — I heartily  reciprocate  the  sentiments  expressed 
by  you  and  the  Irish  World,  and  assure  you  that  I feel  an 
interest  and  sympathy  for  Ireland  second  only  to  one  whose 
birthplace  is  upon  the  Green  Isle.  I have  witnessed  the 
heroic  struggle  of  Parnell  and  his  compatriots  for  Ireland's 
cause,  and-  the  self-sacrificing  support  of  their  efforts  by  the 
Irish  people  of  all  classes  and  in  all  climes,  with  admiration 
and  respect,  and  my  conviction  has  deepened  that  such 
heroic  and  patriotic  labors  must  ultimately  be  rewarded  by 
success.  Such  a struggle  for  so  long  a period  of  time,  by 
a comparatively  small  people, — though  strong  in  intellect 
and  conviction  of  the  justice  of  their  cause  in  the  sight  of 
heaven  and  in  the  eyes  of  all  lovers  of  Liberty  and  haters 
of  oppression,— against  one  of  the  most  powerful  nations 
of  the  world,  and  the  success  thus  far  accomplished  argues 
a happy  issue.  Trusting  that  your  efforts,  and  those  of 
your  countrymen,  may  be  crowned  with  the  success  they  so 
richly  deserve, 

I remain,  yours  sincerely, 

U.  A.  Woodbury, 

Mayor  of  Burlington. 


MAYOR  RICE  OF  JACKSONVILLE,  FLA. 

Mayor’s  Office,  ) 
Jacksonville.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir — Anent  the  present  position  of  Irish  affairs  and 
the  claims  of  the  Irish  people  to  justice  and  Nationhood  I 
heartily  join  in  the  “world-wide  cheer"  of  “Ireland  a 
Nation,"  and  as  an  American  I deem  it  a duty  as  I esteem 
it  a privilege  to  reciprocate,  at  least  in  part,  the  services  of 
12 


178 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


Irishmen  in  the  upbuilding,  upholding  and  sustaining  our 
Republic. 

I believe  in  Ireland’s  cause  because  I believe  in  Liberty, 
and  so  believing,  cheerfully  give  my  moral  and  material  aid 
to  the  men  who  are  leading  the  Irish  people  from  their  long 
night  of  slavery  to  the  noonday  light  of  freedom  and  pros- 
perity. M.  C.  Rice, 

Mayor  of  Jacksonville  y Fla. 

MAYOR  LONG  OF  ST.  AUGUSTINE,  FLA. 

Mayor’s  Office,  ) 
St.  Augustine,  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World 

Dear  Sir — The  recent  statement  attributed  to  Minister 
Phelps,  and  said  to  come  from  high  and  unquestionable 
authority,  that  American  sympathy  with  Home  Rule  is  con- 
fined wholly  to  Irish  citizens,  is  without  foundation  in  fact. 

Americans  without  regard  to  nationality  or  political  dif- 
ferences, look  with  deep  concern  and  sympathy  upon  the 
heroically  wonderful  attitude  of  Ireland  to-day.  Indeed, 
the  world  has  never  seen  its  equal.  A people  robbed  of 
every  right  for  centuries,  successfully  resisting  conquest  and 
extermination.  The  land  of  Washington  and  liberty  can- 
not be  otherwise  than  full  of  sympathy  and  encouragement 
for  the  struggling  Irish  in  so  just  a cause.  I sincerely  hope 
and  trust  that  advantage  will  be  taken  by  the  friends  of 
Ireland  of  the  present  sentiment  in  England  in  favor  of 
definitely  settling  the  Irish  question,  and  make  all  proper 
concessions  to  that  end.  Mr.  Gladstone’s  Irish  land  re- 
form measures  and  scheme  for  Home  Rule  should  be  con- 
sidered in  a spirit  of  fairness.  Mr.  Parnell  as  a leader 
has  proved  himself  worthy  of  the  people  and  the  great  cause 
he  represents,  and  may  be  trusted  implicitly. 

I am  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  obt.  svt. 

John  G.  Long. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


179 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  WAIT. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I assure  you  that  I warmly  sympathise 
with  Ireland,  as  every  true  American  should,  in  the  struggle 
which  Parnell  and  his  associate  patriots  are  making  to 
secure  Home  Rule  and  all  the  privileges  and  advantages 
which  must  inevitably  flow  from  it.  My  sincere  hopes 
that  success  will  crown  their  heroic  efforts  and  freedom  and 
national  prosperity  be  secured  to  the  Irish  people. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Jno.  T.  Wait. 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  LOUTTIT. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  letter  received.  The  struggle  for 
freedom  and  independence  in  which  the  Irish  people  are 
engaged  appeals  irresistibly  to  the  sympathies  of  all  who 
appreciate  the  blessings  of  the  free  institutions  of  the  United 
States. 

The  past  century  has,  under  despotic  and  alien  govern- 
ment, brought  the  Irish  nation  to  ruin  and  reduced  the  Irish 
people  to  the  verge  of  despair.  The  same  century,  under 
free  government,  a government  “of  the  people  by  the 
people  for  the  people,''  has  made  the  United  States  a nation 
second  in  wealth,  and  prosperity  and  happiness  to  none  on 
the  face  of  the  globe.  What  wonder  American  citizens 
should  applaud  the  valiant  yet  peaceable  battle  waged  by 
the  Irish  for  the  right  of  self-government. 

The  result  of  the  recent  parliamentary  elections  in  Great 
Britain  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  day  of  Ireland's 


180 


THE  STOR^  OF  IRELAND. 


deliverance  is  at  hand.  Various  attempts  will  undoubtedly 
be  made  by  the  opponents  of  home  rule  to  “ compromise 
the  question;  but  Parnell,  with  his  united  following,  seems 
to  be  complete  master  of  the  situation.  I cannot  one  in- 
stant suppose  that  Irishmen  will  now  be  satisfied  with  any- 
thing less  than  legislative  independence. 

Any  scheme  that  involves  the  government  of  Ireland  from 
Westminster,  even  though  the  Irish  are  allowed  to  elect  the 
people  to  administer  the  laws  is  no  less  repugnant  than 
would  be  a proposition  for  the  National  Legislature  at  Wash- 
ington to  make  laws  for  the  government  of  the  city  of 
New  York. 

You  may  rest  assured  that  my  warmest  sympathies  in 
this  struggle  rest  with  Parnell  and  his  supporters,  and  in 
saying  this  I am  sure  I share  the  opinion  of  a vast  majority 
of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

Jas.  a.  Louttit, 

M,  C.^  of  California. 

GOVERNOR  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Executive  Department,  } 
Sacramento,  Cal.  \ 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  T/ie  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  highly  esteemed  favour  is  received. 
Were  I an  Irishman,  I can  imagine  how,  after  long  centuries 
of  anxious  waiting,  my  heart  would  leap  for  joy  at  the  near 
future  prospect  of  the  Irish  People  becoming  an  Irish 
Nation.,  and  that  too  through  peaceful  measures,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  which  devolves  upon 
all  civilized  people  the  right  of  self-government. 

What  a wonderful  man  must  be  your  great  leader  Par- 
nell. He  appears  to  have  been  born  for  and  equal  to  the 
great  and  grand  occasion.  Let  him  however  beware  of 
the  blandishments  of  office.  The  man  “ Parnell  will  live 
in  History  long  after  Lords  and  Earls  are  dead,  gone  and 
forgotten. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERICANS. 


We  in  California  have  watched  events  transpiring  in 
Ireland  during  the  past  few  months,  with  the  most  intense 
interest  and  deepest  concern.  The  long-continued,  and 
sometimes  apparently  hopeless,  struggle  for  liberty,  of  the 
Irish  Race,  has  challenged  the  admiration  of  the  whole 
civilized  world,  and  the  men  who  are  engaged  in  this  great 
struggle  should  receive  the  encouragement  of  all  liberty- 
loving  Patriots.  Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

George  Stoneman. 


CLERK  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 

United  States  Senate,  ) 
Office  of  the  Chief  Clerk,  v 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir — I thank  you  for  an  invitation  to  express  my 
sympathy  with  the  Irish  cause.  I think  the  Irish  people 
have  a real  grievance.  I think  our  forefathers  had,  and 
their  revolution  against  the  mother  country  was  justified  by 
English  oppression,  and  royal  parliamentary  disregard  of 
their  rights.  The  present  peaceful  revolution  in  Ireland 
which  convulses  Great  Britain  must  work  out  some  relief. 
I am  glad  to  witness  the  dawning  of  a better  day  for  that 
member  of  the  United  Kingdom  which  by  encroaching 
legislation  has  been  reduced  to  a mere  colony,  and  which 
under  the  principles  of  coercion  loses  even  the  semblance  of 
a locally  organized  Community. 

Ireland,  in  my  opinion,  needs  self-government,  at  least 
so  much  of  self-government  as  that  her  commerce  and 
manufactures  may  be  emancipated  from  the  destructive 
inhibitions  of  British  discrimination,  and  that  her  people 
may  have  an  opportunity  to  achieve  the  beneficent  results 
conferred  by  the  ownership  of  their  own  soil. 

Yours  very  truly, 

Chas.  W.  Johnson. 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  STONE. 

House  of  Representatives,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
Mr.  Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir — I bid  you  Godspeed  in  your  noble  effort  to 
aid  the  Irish  people  to  secure  to  themselves  in  their  native 
land  the  blessings  of  a “ government  of  the  people  for  the 
people  by  the  people  of  Ireland.  Besides  being  thoroughly 
imbued  with  the  spirit  of  liberty  and  sovereignty  of  the  peo- 
ple my  heart  goes  out  to  the  dwellers  on  the  Emerald  Isle 
because  one  line  of  my  ancestry  runs  back  to  Ireland, 
while  the  other  can  be  followed  into  the  fastnesses  of  the 
Scottish  chiefs.  Thine  for  the  right, 

W.  J.  Stone. 

FROM  CONGRESSMAN  LINDSLEY. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 
Patrick  Ford,  Editor  of  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir — In  answer  to  your  request  I will  say:  Ire- 
land can  never  enjoy  the  progressive  benefits  of  a diversified 
industry  while  she  is  chained  to  the  car  of  English  Free 
Trade.  Any  privilege  of  legislation  she  may  acquire,  leav- 
ing out  the  power  to  regulate  trade  and  production,  would 
be  useless.  Her  land  laws  may  be  onerous  and  oppressive, 
and  may  need  revision,  but  until  she  can  become  something 
more  than  an  agricultural  dependency  of  England  their  re- 
vision will  be  of  little  avail.  I am  for  restoring  Ireland's 
prosperity,  regardless  of  union  or  disunion.  If  it  cannot 
come  without  disunion  let  disunion  precede  it. 

I am  pleased  with  the  position  taken  by  the  Irish  World 
in  regard  to  protection. 

Would  that  the  great  mass  of  Irish  Americans  could  see  it 
in  the  same  light.  Hitherto  they  have  not  seemed  to  under- 
stand this  question  or  give  it  the  benefit  of  their  suffrage. 

Yours  truly,  Jas.  G.  Lindsley, 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMEPICM^S^  ' 

FROM  CONGRESSMAN  McCOMAS. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — I sincerely  sympathize  with  the  Irish  people. 
From  Swift,  to  Grattan,  to  O’Connell,  to  Parnell,  to  an  en- 
during Parliament  for  Ireland.  After  a century  of  self- 
government  an  American  may  plead  for  self-government  for 
the  Land  of  Burke,  who  pled  for  liberty  for  our  own.  A 
people  without  a country  demand  their  own.  I hope  the 
answer  now  may  be  an  Irish  Parliament,  with  powers  of 
internal  government,  home  legislation,  the  protection  of 
their  own  industries. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Louis  E.  McComas. 


FROM  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  TEXAS. 

Executive  Office,  ) 
Austin,  Texas.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir — I have  your  favor  of  24th  Jany.  The  condi- 
tion of  no  people  has  ever  called  for  sympathy  with  more 
claim  to  it  than  do  the  people  of  Ireland  to-day.  The 
sterotyped  excuse  for  a refusal  to  let  Ireland  go,  is  that  she 
would  not  live  in  peace  with  her  neighbors  and  especially 
England. 

How  puerile  ? The  nation  that  oppresses  her  own  people 
is  despicable.  The  nation  that  makes  war  on  a neighbor 
may  have  an  excuse.  Let  her  go,  and  then  if  she  does 
wrong  chastise  her,  but  no  excuse  can  be  given  for  the 
parent  mistreating  a member  of  the  family.  Were  I a 
native  Irishman  in  Ireland  I would  fight  England  with  all 
the  means  God  placed  at  my  command  except  that  of 
making  war  on  women  and  children. 

Yours  truly, 

Jno.  Ireland. 


184 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  COTCHINGS. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  j 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir. — The  Irish  have  my  heartiest  sympathy  in 
their  heroic  struggle  to  rid  themselves  of  foreign  domina- 
tion. 

No  intelligent  and  high-spirited  people,  as  the  Irish  are, 
can,  or  ought  to,  submit  to  such  tyranny  as  that  practiced 
by  England. 

Their  patriotic  resistance  to  alien  government  should 
command  the  respect  and  co-operation  of  all  who  love 
liberty  and  justice.  The  landlords  and  carpet-baggers 
must  go. 

Yours  truly, 

T.  C.  COTCHINGS. 


FROM  CONGRESSMAN  LEFEVRE. 

House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.  [ 

Patrick  Ford,  Editor  The  Irish  World, 

Dear  Sir: — In  reply  to  your  letter  requesting  my  views 
on  the  situation  in  Ireland,  I beg  to  say  that  I am  in  hearty 
sympathy  with  the  people  of  that  country  in  their  great 
struggle  for  right  and  liberty,  and  against  tyranny  and  wrong. 
Ireland  has  borne  too  long  already  the  indignities  and  op- 
pressions of  a Government  having  no  sympathy  with  the 
people,  seeking  only  to  advance  the  wealth  and  power  of 
the  few  by  the  degradation  and  enslavement  of  the  masses, 
and  should  rise  up  in  all  the  strength  and  dignity  of  her 
might,  and  hurl  from  her  forever  the  cold  and  unfeeling 
hand  of  the  tyrant.  Ireland  should  be  free.  The  lives  of 
her  dead  heroes  and  statesmen  speak  forth,  and  call  her  to 
action.  Let  the  peoi)le  respond.  Victory  will  surely  come. 


OPINIONS  OF  EMINENT  AMERIQiNS,  / 185 

The  day  is  not  far  distant  when  she  shall  take  on'  the 
proud  mantle  of  liberty,  and  shine  forth  a brilliant  star  in 
the  diadem  of  nations. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Ben.  LeFevre. 


FKOM  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  MINNESOTA. 

Executive  Office,  ) 
St.  Paul,  Minn.  ) 

Patrick  Ford,  Esq.,  Editor  The  Irish  World. 

Dear  Sir — I assure  you  that  Mr.  Parnell  and  his  patrio- 
tic coadjutors  have  my  most  earnest  sympathy  in  their 
efforts  to  secure  for  Ireland  and  her  outraged  people  a 
proper  recognition  from  the  English  government  of  those 
rights  and  humanities  which  have  been  denied  them  so 
long.  Every  American  who  has  a proper  appreciation  of  the 
liberty  and  protection  he  himself  enjoys  under  a free  govern- 
ment, must  bid  Godspeed  to  a people  who  are  contending 
like  the  Irish  for  delivery  from  despotism. 

Yours  very  truly, 

L.  F.  Hubbard. 


/ 


I'ki-  . ' , ;:,i<i... 


THE  IRISH  QUESTION  EROM  AN 
AMERICAN  STANDPOINT. 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE 

• AT  THE 

PORTLAND,  ME.,  IRISH  HOME  RULE  MEETING, 
TUESDAY,  JUNE  i,  1886. 


Specially  Revised  by  the  Author. 


MR.  BLAINE^S  SPEECH  ON  THE  IRISH  QUES- 
TION. 

In  Portland,  Maine,  June  ist. 

His  Honor  the  Mayor  of  the  city,  Hon,  Fred.  S.  Robie, 
called  the  meeting  to  order,  and  the  Governor  of  the  State 
presided. 

Your  Excellericy  and  Fellow  Citizens: 

Directly  after  the  published  notice  of  this  meeting  I re- 
ceived a letter  from  a venerable  friend  in  an  adjacent  coun- 
ty asking  me,  as  I was  announced  to  speak,  to  explain  if  I 
could,  just  what  the  “ Irish  question ''  is.  I appreciate  this 
request,  for  on  an  issue  that  calls  forth  so  much  sympathy 
and  so  much  sentiment  among  those  devoted  to  free  govern- 
ment throughout  the  world,  and  evokes  so  much  passion 
among  those  who  are  directly  concerned  in  the  contest, 
there  may  be  danger  of  not  giving  sufficient  attention  to 
the  simple  elementary  facts  which  enter  into  the  case. 

What  then  is  Home  rule  ? It  is  nothing  more  and  nothing 
less  than  that  which  is  enjoyed  by  every  State  and  every 
Territory  of  the  United  States.  [Applause.]  Negatively 
it  is  what  the  people  of  Ireland  do  not  enjoy.  In  a parlia- 
ment of  670  members  Great  Britain  has  567  and  Ireland 
has  103.  Except  with  the  consent  of  this  Parliament,  in 
which  the  Irish  members  are  outnumbered  by  more  than 
five  to  one,  the  people  of  Ireland  possess  no  legislative 
power  whatever.  They  cannot  incorporate  a horse  railroad 
company,  or  authorize  a ferry  over  a stream,  or  organize  a 
gas  company  to  light  the  streets  of  a city.  Apply  that  to 
yourselves.  Suppose  the  State  of  Maine  were  linked  with 
the  State  of  New  York  in  a joint  Legislature  in  which  New 


190  ^ the  story  of  IRELAND, 

\\\  ' 

Yorl^  had  five  members  to  Maine's  one.  Suppose  you 
could  not  take  a step  for  the  improvement  of  your  beautiful 
city  nor  the  State  organize  an  association  of  any  kind,  or 
adopt  any  measure  for  its  own  advancement  unless  by  the 
permission  of  the  overwhelming  majority  of  the  New  York 
members.  How  long  do  you  think  the  people  of  Maine 
would  endure  that  condition  of  affairs?  And  yet,  that  illus- 
trates the  position  which  Ireland  holds  with  respect  to 
England,  except  that  there  is  one  aggravating  feature  in 
addition  which  would  not  apply  to  New  York  and  Maine; 
namely,  the  centuries  of  oppression  which  have  inspired 
the  people  of  Ireland  with  a deep  sense  of  wrong  on  the 
part  of  England. 

If  the  Irish  question  were  left  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  to  adjust  I suppose  we  should  say,  adopt  the  Federal 
system  ! Let  Ireland  have  her  legislature,  let  England  have 
her  legislature,  let  Scotland  have  her  legislature,  let  Wales 
have  her  legislature,  and  then  let  the  Imperial  Parliament 
legislate  for  the  British  Empire.  Let  questions  that  are 
Irish  be  settled  by  Irishmen,  questions  that  are  English  be 
settled  by  Englishmen,  questions  that  are  Welsh  be  settled 
by  Welshmen,  and  questions  that  are  Scotch  be  settled  by 
Scotchmen.  And  let  questions  that  effect  the  whole  Em- 
pire of  Great  Britain  be  settled  in  a Parliament  in  which  the 
four  great  constituent  elements  shall  be  impartially  repre- 
sented. [Applause.]  That  would  be  our  direct,  short-hand 
method  of  settling  the  question.  Under  that  system  we 
have  lived  and  grown  and  prospered  for  more  than  two 
hundred  years  in  the  United  States  of  America,  continually 
expanding  and  continually  strengthening  our  institutions. 
[Applause.] 

I do  not  forget,  however,  that  it  would  be  political  em- 
piricism to  attempt  to  give  the  details  of  any  measure  that 
would  settle  this  long  contention  between  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland.  To  prescribe  definite  measures  for  a British  Parlia- 


BLAINE  ON  THE  IRISH  QUESTION. 


191 


merit  would  be  a presumption  on  our  part  as  much  as  for 
the  English  people  to  prescribe  definite  measures  for  the 
American  Congress.  I have  noticed  so  many  errors,  even 
among  the  leading  men  of  Great  Britain,  concerning  the 
United  States  that  I have  been  taught  modesty  in  attempt- 
ing to  criticise  the  processes  and  the  specific  measures  of 
Parliament.  I well  remember  that  Lord  Palmerston  on  a 
grave  occasion  during  our  civil  war,  informed  the  House  of 
Commons  that  “the  President  of  the  United  States  could 
not  of  his  own  power  declare  war;  that  it  required  the  as- 
sent of  the  Senate.''  And  yet  every  school-boy  in  America 
knows  that  it  is  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  both 
Senate  and  House,  to  which  the  war  power  is  given  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  But  Lord  Palmerston's 
error  was  not  so  bad  as  another  which  is  said  to  have  oc- 
curred in  the  British  Parliament,  when  a member  in  an 
authoritative  manner  assured  the  House  that  no  law  in  the 
United  States  was  valid  until  it  had  received  the  assent  of 
the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several  States  [laugh- 
ter]; and  a fellow  member  corrected  him,  saying,  “You  are 
wrong.  The  American  Congress  cannot  discuss  any  measure 
until  two-thirds  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States  shall  have 
already  approved  it.''  [Renewed  and  prolonged  laughter]. 
Admonished  by  these  and  like  instances  I refrain  from  any 
discussion  of  the  details  of  Mr.  Gladstone's  Home  Rule 
Bill.  It  may  not  be  perfect.  It  may  not  give  to  Ireland 
all  that  she  is  entitled  to.  I only  know  that  it  is  a step  in 
the  right  direction,  and  that  the  long-oppressed  people  of 
Ireland  hail  it  as  a great  and  beneficent  measure  of  relief. 
They  and  their  representatives  understand  it,  and  more  than 
all,  Mr.  Gladstone  understands  it,  and  that  is  enough  for 
me.  [Long-continued  applause.] 

On  the  occasion  of  Lord  John  Russell’s  somewhat  famous 
motion  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  1844  to  inquire  into 
the  condition  of  Ireland,  Mr.  Seward  said — I mean  Lord 


192 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


Macaulay,  but  I am  sure  that  the  memory  of  neither  will 
be  injured  by  mistaking  one  for  the  other — [applause] — Lord 
Macaulay  said  in  one  of  his  most  eloquent  speeches:  “ You 
admit  that  you  govern  Ireland  not  as  you  govern  England, 
not  as  you  govern  Scotland,  but  as  you  govern  your  new 
conquests  in  India;  not  by  means  of  the  respect  which  the 
people  feel  for  the  law,  but  by  means  of  bayonets  and 
artillery  and  entrenched  camps.’*  If  that  were  true  in  1844 
I am  sure  I do  not  exaggerate  when  I say  that  the  long 
period  of  forty-two  years  which  has  intervened  has  served  to 
strengthen  rather  than  to  diminish  the  truth  of  Macaulay’s 
words.  [Applause.]  And  now  without  in  anyway  denying 
the  facts  set  forth  in  Macaulay’s  extraordinary  statement. 
Lord  Salisbury  comes  forward  with  a remedy  of  an  extremely 
harsh  character.  He.  says  in  effect  that  “ the  Irish  can  re- 
main as  they  are  now  situated,  or  they  can  emigrate.”  But 
the  Irish  have  been  in  Ireland  quite  as  long  as  Lord  Salis- 
bury’s ancestors  have  been  in  England,  [laughter]  and  I 
presume  much  longer.  His  Lordship’s  lineage  is  not  given 
in  Burke’s  Peerage  beyond  the  illustrious  Burleigh  of  Queen 
Elizabeth’s  day,  and  possibly  his  remote  ancestry  may  have 
been  Danish  pirates  or  peasants  in  Normandy  before  the 
Conquest  and  centuries  after  the  Irish  people  were  known 
in  Ireland.  I repeat,  therefore.  Lord  Salisbury’s  proposi- 
tion is  extremely  harsh.  Might  we  not,  indeed,  with  good 
reason  call  it  impudent?  Would  it  trangress  courtesy  if 
we  called  it  insolent  ? Would  we  violate  truth  if  we  called 
it  brutal  in  its  cruelty?  We  have  had  occasion  in  this 
country  to  know  Lord  Salisbury  too  well.  He  was  the  bit- 
terest foe  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  had  in 
the  British  Parliament  during  our  civil  war.  He  coldly 
advocated  the  destruction  of  the  American  Union  simply  as 
a measure  of  increasing  the  commerce  and  prosperity  of 
Creat  l^ritain.  His  policy  for  Ireland  and  his  policy  towards 
the  United  States  are  essentially  alike  in  spirit  and  in  tem- 
per. 


BLAINE  ON  THE  IRISH  QUESTION, 


193 


Another  objection  to  Mr.  Gladstone’s  policy  comes  from 
the  Presbyterians  of  Ulster  in  the  form  of  an  appeal  to  the 
Presbyterians  of  the  United  States  against  granting  the  boon 
of  Home  Rule  to  Ireland.  As  a Protestant  I deplore  this 
action.  I was  educated  under  Presbyterian  influences,  in  a 
Presbyterian  college.  I have  connections  with  that  church 
by  blood  and  affinity  that  began  with  my  life  and  shall  not 
cease  until  my  life  ends.  And  yet  I am  free  to  say  that  I 
should  be  ashamed  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  America 
if  it  responded  to  an  appeal  which  demands  that  five  millions 
of  Irish  people  shall  be  perpetually  deprived  of  free  govern- 
ment because  of  the  remote  and  fanciful  danger  that  a Dub- 
lin Parliament  might  interfere  with  the  religious  liberty  of 
Presbyterians  in  Ulster.  [Great  applause.]  Mr.  Chairman, 
if  the  Home  Rule  bill  shall  pass,  the  Dublin  Parliament 
will  assume  power  with  a greater  responsibility  to  the  public 
opinion  of  the  world  than  was  ever  before  imposed  upon  a 
legislative  body,  because  if  the  Dublin  Parliament  is  formed 
it  will  be  formed  by  reason  of  the  pressure  of  public  opinion 
from  the  liberty-loving  people  of  the  world.  [Applause.] 
And  if  the  Irishmen  who  compose  it  should  take  one  step 
against  perfect  liberty  of  conscience,  or  against  any  Protes- 
tant form  of  worship,  they  would  fall  under  a condemnation 
even  greater  in  its  intensity  than  the  friendship  and  sym- 
pathy which  their  own  sufferings  have  so  widely  called  forth. 
[Long-continued  applause.]  But  I have  not  the  remotest 
fear  that  any  such  result  will  happen.  The  Catholics  and 
the  Presbyterians  of  Ireland  will  live  and  do  just  as  the 
Presbyterians  and  Catholics  of  the  United  States  live  and 
do.  They  will  accord  perfect  liberty  of  conscience  each  to 
the  other,  and  will  mutually  be  governed  by  the  greatest  of 
Christian  virtues,  which  is  charity. 

Mr.  Gladstone’s  policy  includes  another  measure.  It 
proposes  to  do  something  to  relieve  the  Irish  from  the  in- 
tolerable oppression  of  absentee  landlordism.  Let  me  here 
13 


194 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


quote  Lord  Macaulay  again.  Speaking  of  Ireland,  whose 
territory  is  less  than  the  territory  of  the  State  of  Maine, 
less  than  thirty-three  thousand  square  miles  in  extent.  Lord 
Macaulay  in  the  same  speech  from  which  I have  already 
quoted,  says:  “ In  natural  fertility  Ireland  is  superior  to 
any  area  of  equal  size  in  Europe,  and  is  far  more  important 
to  the  prosperity,  the  strength,  the  dignity  of  the  British 
Empire  than  all  our  distant  dependencies  together;  more 
important  than  the  Canadas,  the  West  Indies,  South  Africa, 
Australasia,  Ceylon  and  the  vast  Dominions  of  the  Moguls.” 
I am  sure  that  if  any  Irish  orator  had  originally  made  that 
declaration  in  America  he  would  have  been  laughed  at  for 
Celtic  exaggeration  and  imagination.  [Laughter.] 

This  extraordinary  statement  from  Lord  Macaulay  led 
me  to  a practical  examination  of  Ireland's  resources.  I 
went  at  it  in  a plain  farmer-like  way  and  examined  the 
statistics  relating  to  Ireland’s  production.  I gathered  all 
my  information  from  British  authority,  but  could  get  no 
later  accounts  than  for  the  year  1880  and  for  the  years  pre- 
ceding, and  I give  you  the  result  of  my  examination,  frankly 
confessing  that  I was  astounded  at  the  magnitude  of  the 
figures.  In  the  year  1880  Ireland  produced  four  million 
bushels  of  wheat.  But  wheat  has  ceased  to  be  the  crop  of 
Ireland.  She  produced  eight  million  bushels  of  barley. 
But  barley  is  not  one  of  the  great  crops  of  Ireland.  She 
produced  seventy  million  bushels  of  oats,  a very  extraordi- 
nary yield  considering  Ireland’s  small  area.  The  next  item 
I think  every  one  will  recognize  as  peculiarly  adapted  to 
Ireland  (laughter);  of  potatoes,  she  produced  one  hundred 
and  ten  million  bushels,  within  sixty  millions  of  the  whole 
product  of  the  United  States  for  the  same  year.  In  turnips 
and  mangols  together  she  produced  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
five  million  bushels,  vastly  greater  in  weight  than  the  larg- 
est cotton  crop  of  the  United  States.  She  produced  of  flax 
sixty  millions  of  pounds,  and  of  cabbage  eight  hundred  and 


BLAINE  ON  THE  IRISH  QUESTION. 


195 


fifty  million  of  pounds.  She  produced  of  hay  three  million 
eight  hundred  thousand  tons.  She  had  on  her  thousand 
hills  and  in  her  valleys  over  four  million  head  of  cattle, 
and  in  the  same  pasturage  she,  had  three  million  five  hun- 
dred thousand  head  of  sheep.  She  had  five  hundred  and 
sixty  thousand  horses  and  two  hundred  and  ten  thousand 
asses  and  mules.  During  the  year  1880  she  exported  to 
England  over  seven  hundred  thousand  cattle,  over  seven 
hundred  thousand  sheep  and  nearly  half  a million  swine. 
Pray  remember  all  these  came  from  a territory  not  quite  so 
large  as  the  State  of  Maine,  and  from  an  area  of  cultivation 
less  than  twenty  millions  of  acres  in  extent ! But  with  this 
magnificent  abundance  on  this  fertile  land,  rivaling  the  rich- 
ness of  the  ancient  land  of  Goshen,  there  are  men  in  want 
of  food  and  appealing  to-day  to  the  charity  of  the  stranger, 
and  compelled  to  ask  alms  through  their  blood  and  kindred 
in  America.  Why  should  this  sad  condition  occur  in  a land 
that  overflows  with  plenty,  and  exports  millions  of  produce 
to  other  countries  ? According  to  the  inspired  command 
of  the  great  Lawgiver  of  Israel,  “Thou  shalt  not  muzzle 
the  ox  that  treadeth  out  the  corn,”  and  St.  Paul  in  quoting 
this  text  in  his  first  epistle  to  Timothy  added,  “ The  laborer 
is  worthy  of  his  reward.”  (Applause).  And  yet  many  of 
the  men  engaged  in  producing  these  wonderful  harvests  are 
to-day  lacking  bread  to  satisfy  their  hunger. 

Mr.  Gladstone  believes,  and  we  hope  more  than  half  of 
Great  Britain  believes  with  him,  that  the  cause  of  this  dis- 
tress in  Ireland  is  to  be  traced  in  large  part  to  the  ownership 
of  the  land.  Seven  hundred  and  twenty-nine  Englishmen 
own  half  the  land  in  Ireland.  Three  thousand  other  men 
own  the  majority  of  the  other  half  of  the  agricultural  land 
of  Ireland.  Counting  all  the  holdings  there  are  but  nine- 
teen thousand  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight  owners  of  land 
in  Ireland,  and  this  in  a population  of  more  than  five  mil- 
lion souls.  Produce  that  condition  of  affairs  in  Maine  or  in 


196 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


all  New  England,  and  the  distress  here  in  a few  years  would 
be  as  great  as  the  distress  in  Ireland  to-day.  Mr.  Glad- 
stone, speaking  as  a statesman  and  a Christian,  says  that 
this  condition  of  affairs  must  cease,  and  that  the  men  who 
till  the  land  in  Ireland  must  be  permitted  to  purchase  and 
to  hold  it. 

The  story  is  not  yet  half  told.  The  tenants  and  the 
peasantry  of  this  little  island,  not  so  large,  mind  you,  as 
Maine,  pay  a rental  of  sixty-five  millions  of  dollars  per  an- 
num upon  the  land.  Besides  this,  Ireland  pays  an  imperial 
tax  of  thirty-five  millions  of  dollars  annually,  and  a local 
tax  of  fifteen  millions  more.  Thus  the  enormous  sum  of 
one  hundred  and  fifteen  millions  of  dollars  is  annually 
wrought  out  of  the  bone  and  flesh  and  spirit  of  the  Irish 
people,  and  no  wonder  that  under  this  burden  many  lie 
crushed  and  down  trodden. 

I believe  the  day  has  dawned  for  deliverance  from  these 
great  oppressions.  But  from  the  experience  of  Ireland’s 
past,  it  is  not  wise  to  be  too  sanguine  of  a speedy  result. 
For  one,  therefore,  I shall  not  be  disappointed  to  see  Mr. 
Gladstone’s  measures  defeated  in  this  Parliament.  The 
English  members  can  do  it.  But  there  is  one  thing  which 
the  English  members  cannot  do.  They  cannot  permanently 
defy  the  public  opinion  of  the  liberty-loving  people  of  the 
civilized  world.  (Applause.)  Lord  Hartington  made  a 
very  significant  admission  when,  in  a complaining  tone,  he 
accused  Mr.  Gladstone  of  having  conceded  so  much  in  his 
measure  that  Irishmen  would  never  take  less.  (Applause.) 
Well,  I do  not  know  the  day,  whether  it  be  this  year  or  next 
year  or  the  year  after  that,  or  even  years  beyond,  when  a 
final  settlement  shall  be  made;  but  I have  absolute  confi- 
dence that  if  Mr.  Gladstone’s  bills  are  defeated  the  settle- 
ment will  never  be  made  on  as  easy  terms  for  England  as 
the  distinguished  JTemier  now  proposes.  (Applause). 

They  complain  sometimes  in  England  of  such  meetings 


BLAINE  ON  THE  IRISH  QUESTION, 


197 


as  we  are  now  holding.  (Laughter.)  They  say  we  are 
transcending  the  just  and  proper  duties  of  a friendly  nation. 
Even  if  that  were  so,  the  Englishman  who  remembers 
1862-3-4  should  maintain  a discreet  silence.  Yet  I freely 
admit  that  misconduct  of  Englishmen  during  our  war  would 
by  no  means  justify  misconduct  on  our  part  now.  I do  not 
refer  to  that  as  any  palliation  or  as  any  ground  for  justifica- 
tion if  we  were  doing  wrong.  I do  not  adopt  the  flippant 
cry  of  tit  for  tat,  or  the  illogical  twit  of  tu  quoque.  Indeed, 
there  has  been  nothing  done  in  America  that  is  not  strictly 
within  the  lines  of  justice  and  strictly  within  the  limits  of 
international  obligation.  Nor  is  anything  done  in  the 
United  States  with  the  intention  of  injuring  or  with  the  re- 
motest desire  to  injure  Great  Britain.  The  English  people 
thmselves  are  divided,  and  the  American  people  sympathize 
with  what  they  believe  to  be  the  liberal  and  just  side  of 
English  opinion.  We  are  no  more  sympathizing  with  Ire- 
land as  against  England  in  the  past  than  we  are  sympathiz- 
ing with  Gladstone  against  Salisbury  in  the  England  of  the 
present.  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  England  herself,  ap- 
parently not  appreciating  her  own  course  towards  Ireland, 
has  never  failed  in  the  last  fifty  years  to  extend  sympathy 
and  sometimes  the  helping  hand  to  oppressed  nationalities 
in  Europe  struggling  to  be  free  from  tyranny.  When  Hun- 
gary resisted  the  rule  of  Austria,  Kossuth  was  as  much  a 
hero  in  England  as  he  was  in  America.  When  Lombardy 
raised  the  standard  of  revolt  against  the  House  of  Hapsburg, 
the  British  Ministry  could  scarcely  be  held  back  from  open 
expression  of  sympathy.  And  when  Sicily  revolted  against 
the  reign  of  the  Neapolitan  Bourbons,  English  sympathy 
was  so  active  that  Lord  Palmerston  was  openly  accused  of 
permitting  guns  from  Woolwich  Arsenal  to  be  smuggled  on 
to  the  Island  of  Sicily  to  aid  the  insurrection  against  King 
Bomba. 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  therefore,  imitate  many 


198 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


examples  of  England,  and  quite  apart  from  any  considera- 
tion except  the  broad  one  of  human  fellowship,  stand  forth 
as  the  friends  of  Ireland  in  her  present  distress.  (Great 
applause.)  They  do  not  stand  forth  as  democrats.  They 
do  not  stand  forth  as  republicans.  They  do  not  stand  forth 
as  Protestants.  They  do  not  stand  forth  as  Catholics.  But 
they  stand  forth  as  citizens  of  a free  republic,  sympathizing 
with  freedom  throughout  the  world.  (Applause.) 

If  I had  a word  of  personal  advice  to  give,  or  if  I were  in 
a position  to  give  authoritative  counsel,  it  would  be  this: 
the  time  is  coming  that  will  probably  try  the  patience  and 
the  self-control  of  the  Irish  people  more  severely  than  they 
have  been  tried  in  any  other  stage  in  the  progress  of  their 
long  struggle.  And  my  advice  is  that  by  all  means  and 
with  every  personal  and  moral  influence  that  can  be  used, 
all  acts  of  violence  be  suppressed.  (Great  applause.) 
Irishmen  have  earned  the  consolidated  opinion  of  that  part 
of  the  Christian  world  that  believes  in  free  government. 
Let  them  have  a care  that  nothing  be  done  to  divide  that 
opinion.  Let  no  act  of  imprudence  or  rashness  or  personal 
outrage  or  public  violence  produce  a reaction.  Never  has 
a cause  been  conducted  with  a clearer  head  or  with  better 
judgment  in  its  parliamentary  relations  than  that  which  has 
been  conducted  by  Mr.  Parnell.  I regard  it  as  a very  for- 
tunate circumstance  that  Mr.  Parnell  is  a Protestant.  It 
has  been  the  singular,  and  in  many  respects  the  happy  for- 
tune in  every  Irish  trouble  to  be  so  led  that  generous- 
minded  men  the  world  over  might  see  that  it  was  not  secta- 
rian strife,  but  a struggle  for  freedom  and  good  government. 
See  how  often  in  the  past  the  leading  man  in  Irish  agitation 
has  been  a Protestant.  Dean  Swift,  Molyneux,  Robert 
Emmet,  Theobald  Wolf  Tone,  Lord  P^dward  P'itzgerald, 
Henry  (Lattan,  and  I might  lengthen  the  list.  These 
patriots  carried  the  Irish  cause  high  above  and  beyond  all 
considerations  of  sectarian  difference  and  founded  it  on  the 


BLAINE  ON  THE  IRISH  QUESTION 


199 


rights  of  human  nature,  as  Jefferson  defined  the  American 
cause  in  our  own  revolutionary  period.  [Applause.]  Thus 
led  and  thus  guarded  the  Irish  cause  must  prevail.  There 
has  never  been  a contest  for  liberty  by  any  portion  of  the 
British  Empire  composed  of  white  men  that  was  not  success- 
ful in  the  end,  if  the  white  men  were  united.  By  union  the 
thirteen  colonies  gained  their  independence.  By  union 
Canada  gained  every  concession  she  asked  upon  the  eve  of 
a revolution,  and  there  is  nothing  to-day  which  Canada 
could  ask  this  ^ide  of  absolute  separation  that  would  not  be 
granted  for  the  asking. 

I have  only  one  more  word  to  say,  and  that  again  is  a word 
of  advice.  The  men  of  Irish  blood  in  this  country  should 
keep  this  question,  as  it  has  been  kept  thus  far,  out  of  our 
own  political  controversies.  (Great  applause.)  They  should 
mark  any  man  as  an  enemy  who  seeks  to  use  it  for  personal 
or  for  partisan  advancement.  (Applause.)  To  the  sacred- 
ness of  your  cause  conducted  in  that  spirit  you  can  in  the 
lofty  language  of  that  most  eloquent  of  Irishmen,  Edmund 
Burke, — (applause)  “You  can  attest  the  retiring  genera- 
tions, you  can  attest  the  advancing  generations,  between 
whom  we  stand  as  a link  in  the  great  chain  of  eternal  order. 
Conducted  in  that  spirit  you  can  justify  your  cause  before 
earthly  tribunals,  and  you  can  carry  it  with  pure  heart,  and 
strong  faith  before  the  judgment  seat  of  God.’'  (Long- 
continued  applause.) 


AN  IMPEACHMENT  OF  ENGLISH  RULE 
IN  IRELAND 


BY 

HON.  WILLIAM  EWART  GLADSTONE,  M.P., 

DELIVERED  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS, 

APRIL  8,  1886. 


A Verbatim  Report. 


GLADSTONE’S  GREAT  SPEECH. 


A Verbatim  Report  of  the  English  Premier’s  Plea  for  Home 
Rule  in  the  House  of  Commons,  April  8,  1886. 

Thursday,  the  8th  of  April,  1886,  marks  an  important 
date  in  Irish  history,  being  the  day  set  by  Hon.  Wm.  E. 
Gladstone,  the  English  Prime  Minister,  for  the  introduction 
of  his  proposed  measure  for  an  Irish  parliament.  Mr. 
Gladstone,  who,  on  rising,  was  cheered  for  many  minutes 
by  the  most  crowded  assemblage  gathered  within  the  walls 
of  Westminster  in  this  generation,  spoke  word  for  word  as 
follows: 

I could  have  wished,  Mr.  Speaker,  on  several  grounds, 
that  it  had  been  possible  for  me  on  this  single  occasion  to 
open  to  the  House  the  whole  of  the  policy  and  intentions  of 
the  Government  with  respect  to  Ireland.  The  two  ques- 
tions of  land  and  Irish  government  are  in  our  view  closely 
and  inseparably  connected,  or  they  are  the  two  channels 
through  which  we  hope  to  find  access,  and  effectual  ac- 
cess, to  that  question  which  is  most  vital  of  all — namely, 
the  question  of  social  order  in  Ireland.  As  I have  said, 
those  two  questions  are,  in  our  view — whatever  they  may 
be  in  that  of  any  one  else — they  are  in  our  view,  for  rea- 
sons which  I cannot  now  explain,  inseparable  the  one  from 
the  other.  But  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  attempt  such  a 
task.  Even  as  it  is,  the  mass  of  materials  that  I have  before 
me  I may  without  exaggeration  call  enormous.  I do  not 
know  that  at  any  period  a task  has  been  laid  upon  me  involv- 
ing so  large  and  so  diversified  an  exposition,  and  it  would  be 
in  vain  to  attempt  more  than  human  strength  can,  I think, 


204 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


suffice  to  achieve.  (Cheers.)  I may  say  that  when  contem- 
plating the  magnitude  of  that  task  I have  been  filled  with  a 
painful  mistrust,  but  that  mistrust,  I can  assure  the  House, 
is  absorbed  in  the  yet  deeper  feeling  of  the  responsibility 
that  would  lie  upon  me,  and  of  the  mischief  that  I should  in- 
flict upon  the  public  interest,  if  I should  fail  to  bring  home 
to  the  minds  of  members,  as  I seem  to  perceive  in  my  own 
mind,  the  magnitude  of  all  the  varied  aspects  of  this  ques- 
tion. What  I wish  is  that  we  should  no  longer  fence  and 
skirmish  with  this  question  (loud  cheers),  but  that  we  should 
come  to  close  quarters  with  it;  that  we  should  get  if  we  can 
at  the  root;  that  we  should  take  measures  not  merely  in- 
tended for  the  wants  of  to-day  and  of  to-morrow,  but  if 
possible  that  we  should  look  into  a more  distant  future; 
that  we  should  endeavor  to  anticipate  and  realize  that  future 
by  the  force  of  reflection;  that  we  should  if  possible  unroll 
it  in  anticipation  before  our  eyes,  and  make  provision  now, 
while  there  is  yet  time,  for  all  the  results  that  may  await 
upon  a right  or  wrong  decision  of  to-day.  (Cheers.)  Mr. 
Speaker,  on  one  point,  I rejoice  to  think  that  we  have  a 
material,  I would  say  a vital,  agreement.  It  is  felt  on  both 
sides  of  the  House,  unless  I am  much  mistaken,  that  we 
have  arrived  at  a stage  in  our  political  transactions  with  Ire- 
land where  two  roads  part  one  from  the  other,  not  soon 
probably  to  meet  again.  The  late  Government — I am  not 
now  referring  to  this  as  a matter  of  praise  or  blame,  but 
simply  as  a matter  of  fact — the  late  Government  felt  that 
they  had  reached  the  moment  for  decisive  resolution  when 
they  made  the  announcement  on  the  last  day  of  their  Minis- 
terial existence,  that  their  duty  compelled  them  to  submit 
to  Parliament  proposals  for  further  repressive  criminal 
legislation.  We  concur  entirely  in  that  conclusion,  and  we 
think  that  the  time  is  come  when  it  is  the  duty  of  Parlia- 
ment, when  the  honor  of  Parliament  and  its  duty  alike  re- 
quire that  it  should  endeavor  to  come  to  some  decisive 


GLADSTONE' S GEE  AT  SPEECH. 


205 


resolution  in  this  matter;  and  our  intention  is,  Sir,  to  pro- 
pose to  the  House  of  Commons  that  which,  as  we  think,  if 
happily  accepted,  will  liberate  Parliament  from  the  restraints 
under  which  of  late  years  it  has  ineffectually  struggled  to 
perform  the  business  of  the  country;  that  will  restore  legis- 
lation to  its  natural,  ancient,  unimpeded  course;  that,  above 
all,  will  obtain  an  answer — a clear,  we  hope,  and  definite 
answer — to  the  question  whether  it  is  or  is  not  possible  to 
establish  good  and  harmonious  relations  between  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland  on  the  footing  of  those  very  institutions 
to  which  Englishmen,  Scotchmen,  and  Irishmen  are  alike 
unalterably  attached.  (Cheers.)  Now,  when  I say  that  we 
are  imperatively  called  upon  to  deal  with  the  great  subject 
of  social  order  in  Ireland,  do  not  let  me  for  a moment  either 
be  led  myself  or  lead  others  into  the  dangerous  fault  of  ex- 
aggeration. The  crime  of  Ireland,  the  agrarian  crime  of 
Ireland,  I rejoice  to  say,  is  not  what  it  was  in  other  days — 
days  now  comparatively  distant,  days  within  my  own  earliest 
recollection  as  a member  of  Parliament.  In  1833  the 
Government  of  Lord  Grey  proposed  to  Parliament  a strong 
Coercion  Act.  At  that  time  the  information  at  their  com- 
mand did  not  distinguish  between  agrarian  and  ordinary 
crime  as  the  distinction  is  now  made.  As  to  the  present 
time,  it  is  easy  to  tell  the  House  that  the  serious  agrarian 
crimes  of  Ireland,  which  in  1881  were  1,01 1,  in  1885  were 
245.  But  I go  back  to  the  period  of  1832.  The  contrast 
is,  perhaps,  still  more  striking.  In  1832  the  homicides  in 
Ireland  were  248,  in  1885  they  were  65.  The  cases  of  in- 
tention to  kill,  happily  unfulfilled,  in  the  first  of  those  years 
were  209,  in  1885  they  were  37.  The  serious  offences  of 
all  kinds  in  Ireland  in  1832  were  6,014;  in  1885,  there 
were  1,057.  The  whole  criminal  offences  in  Ireland  in 
the  former  year  were  14,000,  and  in  the  latter  year  2,683. 
(Hear,  hear.)  So  far,  therefore.  Sir,  we  are  not  to  suppose 
that  the  case  with  which  we  have  now  to  deal  is  one  of  those 


206 


THE  STORY  OF  IRE  LA  HI), 


cases  of  extreme  disorder  at  the  present  moment  which 
threaten  the  general  peace  of  society.  Notwithstanding 
that,  Sir,  in  order  to  lay  the  ground  for  the  important 
rneasure  we  are  asking  leave  to  introduce — and  well  I am 
aware  that  it  does  not  require  broad  and  solid  grounds  to  be 
laid  in  order  to  justify  the  introduction  of  such  a measure — 
in  order  to  lay  the  grounds  I must  ask  the  House  to  enter 
with  me  into  a brief  review  of  the  general  features  of  what 
has  been  our  course  with  regard  to  what  is  termed  coercion 
or  repressive  legislation.  And,  Sir,  the  first  point  to  which 
I would  call  your  attention  is  this,  that  whereas  exceptional 
legislation,  legislation  which  introduces  exceptional  provi- 
sions into  the  law,  ought  itself  to  be  in  its  own  nature  essen- 
tially exceptional,  it  has  become  for  us  not  exceptional  but 
habitual.  (Cheers.)  We  are  like  a man  who,  knowing  that 
medicine  may  be  the  means  of  his  restoration  to  health, 
endeavors  to  live  upon  medicine.  (Home  Rule  cheers.) 
Nations,  no  more  than  individuals,  can  find  a subsistence  in 
what  was  meant  to  be  a cure.  But  has  it  been  a cure? 
Have  we  attained  the  object  which  we  desired,  and  honestly 
desired,  to  attain?  No,  Sir,  agrarian  crime  has  become, 
sometimes  upon  a larger  and  sometimes  upon  a smaller 
scale,  as  habitual  in  Ireland  as  the  legislation  which  has 
been  intended  to  repress  it  (hear,  hear),  and  that  agrarian 
crime,  although  at  the  present  time  it  is  almost  at  the  low 
water-mark,  yet  has  a fatal  capacity  of  expansion  under 
stimulating  circumstances,  and  rises  from  time  to  time,  as 
it  rose  in  1885,  to  dimensions  and  to  an  exasperation  which 
becomes  threatening  to  general  social  order  and  to  the 
peace  of  private  and  domestic  life.  I ought,  perhaps,  to 
supply  an  element  which  I forgot  at  the  moment  in  compar- 
ing 1832  and  1885,  remind  the  House  that  the  decrease 
of  crime  is  not  so  great  as  it  looks  (hear,  hear),  because  the 
population  of  Ireland  at  tliat  time  was  nearly  8,000,000, 
whereas  it  may  be  taken  at  present  at  5,000,000.  But  the 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH, 


207 


exact  proportion,  I believe,  is  fairly  represented  by  the  fig- 
ure I will  now  give.  The  population  of  Ireland  now,  com- 
pared with  that  time,  is  under  two-thirds;  the  crime  of 
Ireland  now,  as  compared  with  that  period,  is  under  one- 
fifth.  (Hear,  hear.)  But  the  agrarian  crime  in  Ireland  is 
not  so  much  a cause  as  it  is  a symptom.  It  is  a symptom 
of  a yet  deeper  mischief  of  which  it  is  only  the  external 
manifestation.  That  manifestation  is  mainly  threefold.  In 
the  first  place,  with  certain  exceptions  for  the  case  of  winter 
juries,  it  is  impossible  to  depend  in  Ireland  upon  the  find- 
ing of  a jury  in  a case  of  agrarian  crime  according  to  ^the 
facts  as  they  are  viewed  by  the  Government,  by  the  Judges, 
and  by  the  public,  I think,  at  large.  That  is  a most  serious 
mischief,  passing  down  deep  into  the  very  ground-work  of 
civil  society.  It  is  also.  Sir,  undoubtedly  a mischief  that 
cases  where  the  extreme  remedy  of  eviction  is  resorted  to 
by  the  landlord — possibly  in  some  instances  unnecessarily 
resorted  to  (Home  Rule  cheers),  but  in  other  instances  re- 
sorted to  after  long  patience  has  been  exhausted  (Opposi- 
tion cheers) — these  cases  of  eviction,  good,  bad,  and  indif- 
ferent as  to  their  justification,  stand  pretty  much  in  one  and 
the  same  discredit  with  the  rural  population  of  Ireland,  and 
become,  as  we  know,  the  occasion  of  transactions  that  we 
all  deeply  lament.  Finally,  Sir,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that 
there  is  great  interference  in  Ireland  with  individual  liberty 
in  the  shape  of  intimidation.  (Hear,  hear.)  Now,  Sir,  I 
am  not  about  to  assume  the  tone  of  the  Pharisee  on  this 
occasion.  (A  laugh,  and  Order.’')  There  is  a great  deal 
of  intimidation  in  England  too  (Home  Rule  cheers)  when 
people  find  occasion  for  it;  and  if  we,  the  English  and  the 
Scotch,  were  under  the  conviction  that  we  had  such  grave 
cause  to  warrant  irregular  action,  as  is  the  conviction  enter- 
tained by  a very  large  part  of  the  population  in  Ireland,  I 
am  not  at  all  sure  that  we  should  not,  like  that  part  of  the 
population  in  Ireland,  resort  to  the  rude  and  unjustifiable 


208 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


remedy  of  intimidation.  (Cries  of  “ No”  from  the  Oppo- 
sition, and  Home  Rule  cheers.)  I am  very  ambitious  on 
this  important  and  critical  occasion  to  gain  one  object — that 
is,  not  to  treat  this  question  controversially.  (“  Hear, 
hear,”  and  a laugh.)  I have  this  object  in  view,  and  I do 
not  despair  of  attaining  it  (hear,  hear);  and  in  order  that  I 
may  do  nothing  to  cause  me  to  fail  of  attaining  it  I will  not 
enter  into  the  question,  if  you  like,  whether  there  ever  is 
intimidation  in  England  or  not.  But  I will  simply  record 
the  fact,  which  I thought  it  but  just  to  accompany  with  a 
confession  with  regard  to  ourselves — I will  simply  record  the 
fact  that  intimidation  does  prevail,  not  to  the  extent  that  is 
supposed,  yet  to  a material  and  painful  extent  in  Ireland. 
The  consequence  of  that  is  to  weaken  generally  the  respect 
for  law  and  the  respect  for  contract,  and  that  among  a peo- 
ple who,  I believe,  are  as  capable  of  attaining  to  the  very  high- 
est moral  and  social  standard  as  any  people  on  the  face  of 
the  earth.  (Cheers.)  So  much  for  coercion — if  I use  the 
phrase  it  is  for  brevity  for  repressive  legislation  generally — 
but  there  is  one  circumstance  to  which  I cannot  help  calling 
the  special  attention  of  the  House.  Nothing  has  been  more 
painful  to  me  than  to  observe  that  in  this  matter  we  are  not 
improving,  but,  on  the  contrary,  we  are  losing  ground. 
(Hear,  hear.)  Since  the  last  half  century  dawned  we  have 
been  steadily  engaged  in  extending  as  well  as  in  consoli- 
dating free  institutions.  I divide  the  period  since  the  Act 
of  Union  with  Ireland  into  two — the  first  from  1800  to  1832, 
the  epoch  of  what  is  sljll  justly  called  the  great  Reform  Act, 
and,  secondly,  from  1833  to  1885.  I do  not  know  whether 
it  has  been  as  widely  observed  as  I think  it  deserves  to  be 
that  in  the  first  of  those  periods — 32  years — there  were  no 
less  than  1 1 years — it  may  seem  not  much  to  say,  but  wait 
for  what  is  coming — there  were  no  less  than  ii  of  those  32 
years  in  which  our  Statute-book  was  free  throughout  the 
v/holc  year  from  repressive  legislation  of  an  exceptional  kind 


GLADSTONE'S  GEEAT  SPEECH, 


209 


against  Ireland.  But  in  the  53  years  since  we  advanced  far 
in  the  career  of  liberal  principles  and  actions — in  those  53 
years,  from  1833  to  1885,  there  were  but  two  years  which 
were  entirely  free  from  the  action  of  this  special  legislation 
for  Ireland.  (Hear,  hear.)  Is  not  that  of  itself  alm.ost 
enough  to  prove  that  we  have  arrived  at  the  point  where  it 
is  necessary  that  we  should  take  a careful  and  searching 
survey  of  our  position?  (Hear,  hear.)  For,  Sir,  I would 
almost  venture,  trusting  to  the  indulgent  interpretation  of 
the  House,  to  say  that  the  coercion  we  have  heretofore  em- 
ployed has  been  spurious  and  ineffectual  coercion  (Home 
Rule  cheers),  and  that  if  there  is  to  be  coercion — which  God 
forbid — it  ought  to  be  adequate  to  attain  its  end.  If  it  is 
to  attain  its  end  it  must  be  different,  differently  maintained, 
and  maintained  with  a different  spirit,  courage,  and  con- 
sistency compared  with  the  coercion  with  which  we  have 
been  heretofore  familiar.  (Hear,  hear.)  Well,  Sir,  what 
are  the  results  that  have  been  produced  ? This  result  above 
all — and  now  I come  to  what  I consider  to  be  the  basis  of 
the  whole  mischief — that  rightly  or  wrongly,  yet  in  point  of 
fact, law  is  discredited  in  Ireland,  and  discredited  in  Ireland 
upon  this  ground  especially — that  it  comes  to  the  people  of 
that  country  with  a foreign  aspect  (loud  Home  Rule  cheers) 
and  in  a foreign  garb.  These  coercion  Bills  of  ours,  of 
course — for  it  has  become  a matter  of  course — I am  speak- 
ing of  the  facts  and  not  of  the  merits — these  coercion  Bills 
are  stiffly  resisted  by  the  members  who  represent  Ireland  in 
Parliament.  The  English  mind  by  cases  of  this  kind  and 
by  the  tone  of  the  Press  towards  them  is  estranged  from 
the  Irish  and  the  Irish  mind  is  estranged  from  the  people 
of  England  and  Scotland.  I will  not  speak  of  the  circum- 
stances attending  the  present  state  of  Ireland,  and  I do 
think  that  I am  not  assuming  too  much  when  I say  that  I 
have  shown  enough  in  this  comparatively  brief  review— and 
I wish  it  could  have  been  briefer  still — that  if  coercion 


210 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


is  to  be  the  basis  for  legislation  we  must  no  longer  be  seek- 
ing, as  we  are  always  laudably  seeking,  to  whittle  it  down 
almost  to  nothing  at  the  very  first  moment  we  begin;  but  we 
must,  like  men,  adopt  it,  hold  by  it,  sternly  enforce  it  till  its 
end  has  been  completely  attained — with  what  results  to  peace, 
good  will,  and  to  freedom  I do  not  now  stop  to  inquire.  Our 
ineffectual  and  spurious  coercion  is  morally  worn  out.  (Hear, 
hear.)  I give  credit  to  the  late  Government  for  their  con- 
ception of  the  fact.  They  must  have  realized  it  when  they 
came  to  the  conclusion  in  1885  that  they  would  not  propose 
the  renewal  or  continuance  of  repressive  legislation.  (Hear, 
hear.)  They  were  in  a position  in  which  it  would  have  been 
comparatively  easy  for  them  to  have  proposed  it,  as  a 
Conservative  Government — (“No’’  from  the  Opposition) 
— comparatively  easy,  in  my  opinion,  as  a Conservative 
Government  following  in  the  footsteps  of  a Liberal  Ad- 
ministration. But  they  determined  not  to  propose  it.  I 
wish  I could  be  assured  that  they  and  the  party  by  whom 
they  are  supported  were  fully  aware  of  the  immense  historic 
weight  of  that  determination.  (Hear,  hear.)  I have  some- 
times heard  language  used  which  appears  to  betoken  an 
idea  on  the  part  of  those  who  use  it  that  this  is  a very  sim- 
ple matter — that  in  one  state  of  facts  they  judged  one  way 
in  July,  and  that  in  another  state  of  facts  they  judged  in 
another  way  in  January;  and  that  consequently  the  whole 
was  effaced  from  the  minds  and  memories  of  men,  and  that 
they  could  revert  to  the  position  of  repressive  legislation. 
Depend  upon  it  the  effect  of  that  decision  of  July  never  can 
be  effaced — it  will  weigh,  it  will  tell  upon  the  fortunes  and 
circumstances  both  of  England  and  of  Ireland  (hear,  hear); 
and  a return  to  the  ordinary  law,  I am  afraid,  cannot  suc- 
ceed. After  the  lapse  of  the  Crimes  Act  boycotting  in- 
creased fourfold.  It  had  been  stationary,  but  in  October  it 
had  increased  fourfold  compared  with  what  it  was  in  the 
month  of  May.  Well,  if  that  be  true  of  resolute  coercion, 


GLADSTONE'S  GREA  T SPEECH. 


211 


what  is  likely  to  take  place  with  irresolute  coercion  ? I say 
that  our  system  such  as  I have  explained  it — let  us  hide  it 
from  ourselves,  we  cannot  hide  it  from  the  world — has  been 
a failure.  Will  that  other  coercion,  which  it  is  impossible 
to  conceive,  be  more  successful  ? (Hear,  hear.)  I can,  in- 
deed, conceive,  and  in  history  we  may  point  to,  circumstances 
in  which  coercion  of  that  kind,  stern,  resolute, consistent,  may 
be  and  has  been  successful.  But  it  requires,  in  my  judg- 
ment, two  essential  conditions,  and  these  are — the  autocracy 
of  Government  and  the  secrecy  of  public  transactions. 
(Cheers.)  With  those  conditions  that  kind  of  coercion  to 
which  I am  referring  might  possibly  succeed.  But  will  it 
succeed  in  the  light  of  day  (cheers),  and  can  it  be  adminis- 
tered by  the  people  of  England  and  Scotland  against  the 
people  of  Ireland  (‘‘  No,  no  ’') — by  the  two  nations  which, 
perhaps,  above  all  others  upon  earth — I need  hardly  except 
America — best  understand  and  are  most  fondly  attached  to 
the  essential  principles  of  liberty?  (Cheers.)  Now  I enter 
upon  another  condition  to  which  I hardly  expect  broad  ex- 
ception can  be  taken.  I will  not  assume,  I will  not  beg  the 
question,  whether  the  people  of  England  and  Scotland  will 
ever  administer  that  sort  of  effectual  coercion  which  I have 
placed  in  contrast  with  our  timid  and  hesitating  repressive 
measures;  but  this  I will  say,  that  the  people  of  England 
and  Scotland  will  never  resort  to  that  alternative  until  they 
have  tried  every  other.  (Loud  cheers.)  Have  they  tried 
every  other?  (Cries  of  No,  no.”)  Well,  some  we  have 
tried,  to  which  I will  refer;  but  we  have  not  yet  tried  every 
alternative,  because  there  is  one — not  unknown  to  human 
experience — widely  known  to  various  countries  in  the  world 
where  this  dark  and  difficult  problem  has  been  solved  by 
the  comparatively  natural  and  simple,  though  not  always 
easy,  expedient  of  stripping  law  of  its  foreign  garb  and 
investing  it  with  a domestic  character.  (Loud  Home  Rule 
cheers.)  I by  no  means  beg  the  question  at  this  moment, 


212 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


but  this  I say — Ireland,  as  far  as  I know,  and  speaking  of 
the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  believes  it  will 
succeed,  and  experience  elsewhere  supports  that  conclusion. 
(Cheers.)  The  case  of  Ireland,  though  she  is  represented 
here  not  less  fully  than  England  or  Scotland,  is  not  the 
same  as  that  of  England  or  Scotland.  England,  by  her  own 
strength  and  by  her  vast  majority  in  this  House,  makes  her 
own  laws  just  as  independently  as  if  she  were  not  combined 
with  two  other  countries.  (“  No,  no.”)  Scotland — a small 
country,  smaller  than  Ireland,  but  a country  endowed  with 
a spirit  so  masculine  that  never  in  the  long  course  of  history, 
excepting  two  brief  periods,  each  of  a few  years,  was  the 
superior  strength  of  England  such  as  to  enable  her  to  put 
down  the  national  freedom  beyond  the  border — Scotland, 
wisely  recognized  by  England,  has  been  allowed  and  en- 
couraged in  this  House  to  make  her  own  laws  as  freely  and 
as  effectually  as  if  she  had  a representation  six  times  as 
strong.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  consequence  is  that  the  main- 
spring of  law  in  England  is  felt  by  the  people  to  be  English; 
the  mainspring  of  law  in  Scotland  is  felt  by  the  people  to 
be  Scotch.  The  mainspring  of  law  in  Ireland  is  not  felt  by 
the  people  to  be  Irish.  (Hear,  hear.)  I am  bound  to  say, 
in  truth — truth  extorts  from  me  the  avowal — that  it  cannot 
be  felt  in  the  same  way  by  the  Irish  people  as  it  is  by  the 
Scotch.  The  next  result  of  this  statement  which  I have 
laid  before  the  House,  because  it  was  necessary  as  the 
groundwork  of  my  argument,  is  this — in  the  first  place  I 
admit  it  to  be  little  less  than  a mockery  to  hold  that  the 
state  of  law  and  of  facts  conjointly  which  I have  endeavored 
to  describe  conduces  to  the  real  unity  of  this  great,  noble, 
and  world-wide  Empire.  (Hear,  hear.)  In  the  next  place, 
something  must  be  done,  something  is  imperatively  de- 
manded from  us  to  restore  to  Ireland  the  first  conditions  of 
civilized  life — the  free  course  of  law,  the  liberty  of  every 
individual  in  the  exercise  of  every  legal  right,  the  confidence 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH. 


213 


of  the  people  in  the  law  and  their  sympathy  with  the  law, 
apart  from  which  no  country  can  be  called,  in  the  full  sense 
of  the  word,  a civilized  country,  nor  can  there  be  given  to 
that  country  the  blessings  which  it  is  the  object  of  civilized 
society  to  attain.  Well,  this  is  my  introduction  to  the  task 
I have  before  me;  and  now  I ask  attention  to  the  problem 
we  have  before  us.  It  is  a problem  not  unknown  in  the 
history  of  the  world;  it  is  really  this — there  can  be  no  secret 
about  it  as  far  as  we  are  concerned — how  to  reconcile  Im- 
perial unity  with  diversity  of  legislation.  (Home  Rule 
cheers.)  Mr.  Grattan  not  only  held  these  purposes  to  be 
reconcilable,  but  he  did  not  scruple  to  the  length  of  saying 
this, — “ I demand  the  continued  severance  of  the  Parlia- 
ments with  a view  to  the  continued  and  everlasting  unity  of 
the  Empire.”  (Cheers.)  Was  that  a flight  of  rhetoric,  an 
audacious  paradox?  No,  it  was  a problem  which  other 
countries  had  solved,  and  under  circumstances  much  more 
difficult  than  ours.  We  ourselves  may  be  said  to  have 
solved  it,  for  I do  not  think  that  anyone  will  question  the 
fact  that,  out  of  the  six  last  centuries,  for  five  centuries  at 
least  Ireland  has  had  a Parliament  separate  from  ours. 
That  is  a fact  undeniable.  Did  that  separation  of  Parlia- 
ment destroy  the  unity  of  the  British  Empire  ? Did  it 
destroy  it  in  the  eighteenth  century  ? Do  not  suppose  that 
I mean  that  harmony  always  prevailed  between  Ireland  and 
England.  We  know  very  well  there  were  causes  quite  suffi- 
cient to  account  for  a recurrence  of  discord.  But  I take 
the  1 8th  century  alone.  Can  I be  told  that  there  was  no 
unity  of  empire  in  the  i8th  century?  Why,  Sir,  it  was  the 
century  which  saw  our  navy  come  to  its  supremacy.  It  was 
the  century  which  witnessed  the  foundation  of  the  great, 
gigantic  manufacturing  industry  which  now  overshadows  the 
whole  world.  It  was,  in  a pre-eminent  sense,  the  century 
of  empire,  and  it  was  in  a sense,  but  too  conspicuous,  the 
century  of  wars.  Those  wars  were  carried  on,  that  empire 


214 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE  LA  HD. 


was  maintained  and  enormously  enlarged,  that  trade  was 
established,  that  navy  was  brought  to  supremacy  when 
England  and  Ireland  had  separate  Parliaments.  I may  be 
told  that  there  was  no  unity  of  empire  in  that  state  of  things. 
Well,  Sir,  what  has  happened  elsewhere  ? Have  any  other 
countries  had  to  look  this  empire  in  the  face  ? The  last 
half-century — the  last  6o  or  70  years  since  the  great  war — 
has  been  particularly  rich  in  its  experience  of  this  subject 
and  in  the  lessons  which  it  has  afforded  to  us.  There  are 
many  cases  to  which  I might  refer  to  show  how  practicable 
it  has  been  found  by  others  whom  we  are  not  accustomed 
to  look  upon  as  our  political  superiors — how  practicable  it 
has  been  found  by  others  to  bring  into  existence  what  is 
termed  local  autonomy,  and  yet  not  to  sacrifice,  but  to  confirm 
imperial  unity.  (Cheers.)  Let  us  look  to  those  two  coun- 
tries, neither  of  them  very  large,  but  yet  countries  which 
every  Englishman  and  every  Scotchman  must  rejoice  to  claim 
his  kin — I mean  the  Scandivanian  countries  of  Sweden  and 
Norway.  Immediately  after  the  great  war  the  Norwegians 
were  ready  to  take  sword  in  hand  to  prevent  their  coming 
under  the  domination  of  Sweden.  (Hear,  hear.)  But  the 
Powers  of  Europe  undertook  the  settlement  of  that  ques- 
tion, and  they  united  those  countries  upon  a footing  of 
strict  legislative  independence  and  co-equality.  (Cheers.) 
Now,  I am  not  quoting  this  as  an  exact  precedent  for  us, 
but  I am  quoting  it  as  a precedent  and  as  an  argument  a 
foriio7'i^  because  I say  they  confronted  much  greater  diffi- 
culties, and  they  had  to  put  a far  greater  strain  upon  the 
unity  of  their  country  than  we  can  ever  be  called  upon  to 
put  upon  the  unity  of  ours.  The  condition  of  Norway  is 
absolutely  independent.  The  law  even  forbids — what  I hope 
never  will  happen  between  England  and  Ireland — that  a 
Swede,  if  I am  correct  in  my  impression,  should  bear  office 
of  any  kind  in  the  Norwegian  Ministry.  There  is  no  sort  of 
supremacy  or  sni)eriority  in  the  Legislature  of  Sweden  over 


GLADSTONE' S GREAT  SPEECH. 


215 


the  Legislature  of  Norway.  The  Legislature  of  Norway  has 
had  serious  controversies,  not  with  Sweden,  but  with  the 
King  of  Sweden,  and  it  has  fought  out  those  controversies 
successfully  upon  the  strictest  constitutional  and  Parlia- 
mentary grounds.  And  yet  with  two  countries  so  united, 
what  has  been  the  effect?  Not  discord,  not  convulsion,  not 
danger  to  peace,  not  hatred,  not  aversion,  but  a constantly- 
growing  sympathy;  and  every  man  who  knows  their  condi- 
tion knows  that  I speak  the  truth  when  I say  that  in  every  year 
that  passes  the  Norwegians  and  the  Swedes  ar^  more  and 
more  feeling  themselves  to  be  the  children  of  a common  coun- 
try, united  by  a tie  which  never  is  to  be  broken.  (Cheers.) 
I will  take  another  case — the  case  of  Austria  and  Hungary. 
(Cheers.)  In  Austria  and  Hungary  there  is  a complete 
duality.  I will  not  enter  upon  the  condition  of  the  Austrian 
Empire  and  the  other  divisions  and  diversities,  but  I will 
take  simply  this  case:  At  Vienna  sits  the  Parliament  of 
the  Empire;  at  Buda-Pesth  sits  the  Parliament  of  Hungary; 
and  that  is  the  state  of  things  which  was  established,  I 
think,  more  than  20  years  ago.  I ask  all  those  who  hear 
me  whether  there  is  one  among  them  who  doubts  whether 
or  not  the  condition  of  Austria  be  at  this  moment  or  be  not 
perfectly  solid,  secure,  and  harmonious,  after  the  enormous 
difficulties  she  has  had  to  confront,  on  account  of  the 
boundless  diversity  of  race.  Whether  or  not  in  every  minute 
particular  this,  at  least,  cannot  be  questioned,  that  it  is  a 
condition  of  solidity  and  of  safety  compared  with  the  time 
when  Hungary  made  war  on  her — war  which  she  was  unable 
to  quell,  when  she  owed  the  cohesion  of  the  body  politic  to 
the  interference  of  Russian  arms,  and  when,  at  the  same 
time,  she  had  a perfect  legislative  union  and  a supreme 
Parliament  sitting  from  year  to  year  in  Vienna.  (Cheers.) 
Now,  I have  quoted  these  illustrations  as  illustrations  which 
show,  not  what  we  are  called  upon  to  consider  can  be 
done,  but  that  infinitely  more  can  be  done — has  been  done 


216 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


— under  circumstances  far  less  favorable.  What  was  the 
state  of  Sweden  and  Norway — two  small  countries,  Norway 
undoubtedly  inferior  in  population,  but  still  unassailable  in 
her  mountain  fastnesses — what  was  the  case  of  Sweden  and 
Norway  after  bringing  about  a union  by  physical  and  mate- 
rial means  ? There  were  no  means  to  be  used  but  moral 
means,  and  those  moral  means  have  been  completely  suc- 
cessful. (Hear,  hear.)  What,  again,  was  the  case  of 
Austria,  where  the  seat  of  empire  in  the  Archduchy  was 
associated  not  with  the  majority,  but  with  a minority  of  the 
population,  and  where  she  had  to  face  Hungary  with  num- 
bers far  greater  than  her  own  ? Even  there,  while  having 
to  attempt  what  was  infinitely  more  complex  and  more  dan- 
gerous than  even  prejudice  can  suppose  to  be  that  which  I 
am  about  to  suggest,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  great  rela- 
tive good  and  relative  success  have  been  attained.  Our  ad- 
vantages are  immense  in  a question  of  this  kind.  I do  not 
know  how  many  gentlemen  who  hear  me  have  read  the 
valuable  work  of  Professor  Dicey  on  the  Law  of  the  Consti- 
tution. No  work  that  I have  ever  read  brings  out  in  a more 
distinct  and  emphatic  manner  the  peculiarities  of  the  British 
Constitution  in  one  point,  to  which,  perhaps,  we  seldom  have 
occasion  to  refer — namely,  the  absolute  supremacy  of  Parlia- 
ment. We  have  a Parliament  to  the  power  of  which  there 
are  no  limits  whatever,  except  such  as  human  nature  in  a 
Divinely-ordained  condition  of  things  imposes.  We  are 
faced  by  no  co-ordinate  Legislature,  and  are  bound  by  no 
statutory  condition.  There  is  nothing  that  controls  us  and 
nothing  that  compels  us  except  our  convictions  of  law,  of 
right,  and  of  justice.  Surely  that  is  a favorable  point  of 
departure  in  considering  a question  such  as  this.  (Cheers.) 
I have  referred  to  the  i8th  century.  During  that  century 
you  had  beside  you  a co-ordinate  Legislature.  The  Legis- 
lature of  Ireland  before  the  Union  had  the  same  title  as  that 
of  Great  Britain.  I'here  was  no  juridical  distinction  to 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECIL 


217 


be  drawn  between  them.  Even  in  point  of  antiquity  they 
were  as  nearly  as  possible  on  a par,  for  the  Parliament  of 
Ireland  had  subsisted  for  500  years.  It  had  asserted  its 
exclusive  right  to  make  laws  for  the  people  of  Ireland. 
That  right  was  never  denied,  for  gentlemen  ought  to  recol- 
lect, but  all  do  not,  perhaps,  remember,  that  Poyning’s  Law 
was  an  Irish  law  imposed  by  Ireland  on  herself.  That 
claim  of  the  Parliament  of  Ireland  never  was  denied  until 
the  reign  of  George  II.  The  claim  denied  in  the  reign  of 
George  II.  was  admitted  in  the  reign  of  George  III.  The 
Parliament — the  great  Parliament  of  Great  Britain — had  to 
retract  its  words  and  to  withdraw  its  claim,  and  the  Legisla- 
ture which  goes  by  the  name  of  Grattan’s  Parliament  was  as 
independent  in  point  of  authority  as  any  Legislature  over 
the  wide  world.  (Cheers.)  We  are  not  called  upon  to  con- 
stitute another  co-ordinate  Legislature.  While  I think  it  is 
right  to  modify  the  Union  in  some  particulars,  we  are  not 
about  to  propose  its  repeal.  (Cheers.)  What  is  the  essence 
of  the  Union?  That  is  the  question.  It  is  impossible  to 
determine  what  is  and  what  is  not  the  repeal  of  the  Union 
until  you  settle  what  is  the  essence  of  the  Union.  Well,  I 
define  the  essence  of  the  Union  to  be  this — that  before  the 
Act  of  Union  there  were  two  independent,  separate,  co- 
ordinate Parliaments;  after  the  Act  of  Union  there  was  but 
one.  A supreme  statutory  authority  of  the  Imperial  Parlia- 
ment over  Great  Britain,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  as  one 
United  Kingdom  was  established  by  the  Act  of  Union. 
That  supreme  statutory  authority  it  is  not  asked,  so  far  as 
I am  aware,  and  certainly  it  is  not  intended^  in  the  slightest 
degree  to  impair.  When  I heard  the  honorable  member 
for  Cork,  in  a very  striking  speech  at  the  commencement  of 
this  session,  ask  for,  I think  he  termed  it,  local  autonomy 
or  Irish  autonomy,  I felt  that  something  was  gained  in  the 
conduct  of  this  great  question;  I felt  that  Ireland,  if  he 
speaks,  as  I believe  he  speaks,  the  mind  of  the  vast  major- 


218 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


ity  of  her  representatives  (cries  of  “ Oh,”  and  loud  cheers.) 
We  have  no  right  to  question  for  a moment  in  this  free 
country,  under  a representative  system,  that  the  vast 
majority  of  the  representatives  speak  the  mind  of  a decided 
majority  of  the  people.  I feel.  Sir,  if  something  had  been 
gained,  and  Ireland  had  come  a great  way  to  meet  us;  it 
was  more  than  half  a duty  to  consider  whether  we  would  go 
some  way  to  meet  her.  (“Oh,”  a laugh,  and  a voice, 
“ Shame.”)  The  term  “ Dismemberment  of  the  Empire,” 
as  applied  to  anything  that  is  now  before  us,  is,  in  my  judg- 
ment— I will  not  argue  it  at  any  length  now — simply  a mis- 
nomer. To  speak,  in  connection  with  any  meditated  or 
possible  plan,  of  the  dismemberment  of  the  Empire  or  the 
disintegration  of  the  Empire  is,  in  the  face  of  the  history 
of  the  1 8th  century,  not  merely  a misnomer,  but  an  ab- 
surdity. Some  phrases  have  been  used  which  I will  refer 
to,  simply  because  I do  not  think  that  they  quite  accurately 
describe  the  case,  and  they  may  happen  to  be  adopted  in 
the  debate.  We  hear  of  national  independence,  we  hear  of 
legislative  independence,  we  hear  of  an  independent  Parlia- 
ment, and  we  hear  of  federal  arrangements.  These  are 
not  descriptions  which  I adopt  or  which  I find  it  necessary 
to  discuss.  They  do  not  apply  in  a sense  to  the  real  neces- 
sities of  the  case.  There  are  gentlemen  who  have  their 
own  philanthropic,  well-intended  plans  for  meeting  this 
emergency.  There  are  those  who  say  “ Let  us  abolish  the 
Castle;  ” and  I think  that  gentlemen  of  very  high  authority, 
who  are  strongly  opposed  to  giving  Ireland  a domestic 
Legislature,  have  said  nevertheless  that  they  think  there 
ought  to  be  a general  reconstruction  of  the  administrative 
Government  in  Ireland.  Well,  Sir,  I have  considered  that 
question  much,  and  what  I want  to  know  is  this — how,  with- 
out a change  in  tlie  Legislature,  without  giving  to  Ireland  a 
domestic  J^egislature,  there  is  to  be,  or  there  even  can  pos- 
sibly be,  a reconstruction  of  the  Administration.  We  have 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH. 


219 


sent  to  Ireland  to  administer  the  actual  system  the  best 
men  we  could  find.  Lord  Spencer  undertook  that  office 
(cheers),  because  he  represented,  not  in  our  belief  merely, 
but  in  our  knowledge— for  we  had  known  him  long — the 
flower  of  the  British  aristocracy,  that  portion  of  the  British 
aristocracy  which  to  high  birth  and  great  influence  of  station 
unite  a love  of  liberty  and  of  the  people  as  genuine  as  that 
which  breathes  within  any  cottage  in  the  land.  And  yet. 
Sir,  what  is  the  result?  The  result  is  that,  after  a life  of 
almost  unexampled  devotion  to  the  public  service  in  Ireland, 
Lord  Spencer’s  administration  not  only  does  not  command, 
which  is  easily  understood,  the  adhesion  and  the  commenda- 
tion of  the  honorable  member  for  Cork,  but  it  is  made  the 
subject  of  cavil  and  of  censure  in  this  House  of  Parliament, 
and  from  the  spot  where  I now  stand,  by  members  of  the 
late  Conservative  Government.  (Cheers.)  I want  to  know 
— for  we  have  not  come  to  our  conclusions  without  making 
careful  examination  of  the  conclusions  of  other  people — I 
want  to  know  how  it  is  possible  to  construct  an  administra- 
tive system  in  Ireland  without  legislative  change,  and  what 
gentlemen  mean  when  they  speak  of  the  administrative  sys- 
tem of  Ireland.  The  fault  of  the  administrative  system  of 
Ireland,  if  it  has  a fault,  is  simply  this — that  its  spring  and 
source  of  action,  or,  if  I can  use  an  anatomical  illustration 
without  a blunder,  what  is  called  the  motor  muscle  is  English 
and  not  Irish.  (Cheers.)  Without  providing  a domestic 
Legislature  for  Ireland,  without  having  an  Irish  Parliament, 
I want  to  know  how  you  will  bring  about  this  wonderful, 
superhuman,  and,  I believe,  in  this  condition  impossible 
result  that  your  administrative  system  shall  be  Irish  and 
not  English.  There  have  been  several  plans  liberally  de- 
vised for  granting  to  Ireland  the  management  of  her  educa- 
tion, the  management  of  her  public  works,  and  the  manage- 
ment of  one  subject  and  another — things  very  important  in 
themselves — under  a central  elective  body;  things  any  of 


220 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


which  I do  not  hesitate  to  say  I should  have  been  glad  to 
see  accepted,  or  I should  have  been  glad  to  see  a trial  given 
to  a system  which  might  have  been  constructed  under  them 
had  it  been  the  desire  and  the  demand  of  Ireland.  I do  not 
think  such  a scheme  would  have  possessed  the  advantage  of 
finality.  If  it  had  been  accepted,  and  especially  if  it  had 
been  freely  suggested  from  that  quarter — by  the  Irish  repre- 
sentatives, it  might  have  furnished  a useful  modus  vive7idi. 
But  it  is  absurd,  in  my  opinion,  to  talk  of  the  adoption  of 
such  a scheme  in  the  face  of  two  obstacles,  first  of  all,  that, 
those  whom  it  is  intended  to  benefit  do  not  want  it  (cheers), 
and  they  refuse  it;  and,  secondly,  the  obstacle,  not  less  im- 
portant, that  all  those  who  are  fearful  of  giving  a domestic 
Legislature  to  Ireland  would  naturally  and  emphatically, 
and  rather  justly,  say:  “We  will  not  create  your  central 
board  and  palter  with  this  question,  because  we  feel  certain 
that  it  will  afford  nothing  in  this  world  except  a stage  from 
which  to  agitate  for  a further  concession,  and  because  we 
see  that  by  the  proposal  you  make  you  will  not  even  attain 
the  advantage  of  settling  the  question  that  is  raised.”  We 
propose  the  settlement  of  that  question,  and  we  think  that 
we  find  that  settlement  in  the  establishment  by  the  authority 
of  Parliament  of  a legislative  body  sitting  in  Dublin  (cheers) 
for  the  conduct  of  both  legislation  and  administration  under 
the  conditions  which  may  be  prescribed  by  the  Act  defining 
Irish,  as  distinct  from  Imperial,  affairs.  There  is  the  head 
and  front  of  our  offending.  Let  us  proceed  to  examine  the 
matter  a little  further.  The  essential  .conditions  of  any  plan 
that  Parliament  can  be  asked  or  could  be  expected  to  enter- 
tain are,  in  my  opinion,  these:  The  unity  of  the  Empire 
must  not  be  placed  in  jeopardy  (cheers);  the  safety  and  wel- 
fare of  the  whole — if  there  is  an  unfortunate  conflict, which  I 
do  not  believe — the  welfare  and  security  of  the  whole  must 
l)e  preferred  to  the  security  and  advantage  of  the  part. 
(Cheers.)  The  political  equality  of  the  three  countries 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH, 


221 


must  be  maintained.  They  stand  by  statute  on  a footing 
of  absolute  equality,  and  that  footing  ought  not  to  be  altered 
or  brought  into  question.  There  should  be  what  I will  at 
present  term  an  equitable  distribution  of  Imperial  burdens. 
Next  I introduce  a provision  which  may  seem  to  be  excep- 
tional, but  which  in  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  Ireland, 
whose  history  unhappily  has  been  one  long  chain  of  internal 
controversies  as  well  as  of  difficulties  external,  that  there 
must  be  reasonable  safeguards  for  the  minority.  (Cheers.) 
I am  asked  why  there  should  be  safeguards  for  the  minority. 
Will  not  the  minority  in  Ireland,  as  in  other  countries,  be 
able  to  take  care  of  itself  ? Are  not  free  institutions,  with 
absolute  publicity,  the  best  security  that  can  be  given  to  any 
minority  ? I know.  Sir,  that  in  the  long  run  our  experience 
shows  they  are.  After  we  have  passed  through  the  present 
critical  period,  and  obviated  and  disarmed,  if  we  can,  the 
jealousies  with  which  any  change  is  attended,  I believe,  as 
most  gentlemen  in  this  House  may  probably  believe,  that 
there  is  nothing  comparable  to  the  healthy  action  of  free 
discussion,  and  that  a minority  asserting  in  the  face  of  day 
its  natural  rights  is  the  best  security  and  guarantee  for  its 
retaining  them.  We  have  not  reached  that  state  of  things. 
(Hear,  hear.)  I must  say,  on  entering  into  details,  there 
are  three  classes  of  persons  to  which  we  must  look  in  this 
case.  We  must  consider,  I will  not  say  more  on  the  subject 
to-day,  the  class  immediately  connected  with  the  land.  A 
second  question,  not,  I think,  offering  any  great  difficulty, 
relates  to  the  Civil  Service  and  the  offices  of  the  Executive 
Government  in  Ireland.  The  third  question  relates  to  what 
is  commonly  called  the  Protestant  minority,  and  especially 
that  important  part  of  the  community  which  inhabits  the 
province  of  Ulster  (‘‘  No,  no  ”),  or  which  predominates  in  a 
considerable  portion  of  Ulster.  (Hear,  hear.)  I will  de- 
viate from  my  path  for  a moment  to  say  a word  upon  the  state 
of  opinion  in  that  wealthy,  intelligent,  and  energetic  portion 


222 


THE  SrOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


of  the  Irish  community,  which,  as  I have  said,  predominates 
in  a certain  portion  of  Ulster.  Our  duty  is  to  adhere  to  a 
sound  general  principle,  and  to  give  the  utmost  considera- 
tion we  can  to  the  opinions  of  that  energetic  minority.  The 
first  thing  of  all,  I should  say,  is  that  if  upon  any  occasion, 
by  any  individual  or  section,  measures  have  been  present 
which  lead  to  a necessary  alternative,  I think  the  best  com- 
pliment I can  pay  to  those  who  have  threatened  us  is  to  take 
no  notice  whatever  of  these  threats,  but  to  treat  them  as 
momentary  ebullitions,  which  will  pass  away  to  the  sphere 
from  which  they  spring,  and  at  the  same  time  to  adopt  on 
our  part  every  reasonable  measure  of  disarming  their  fear. 
(Hear,  hear.)  I conceive  that  the  view  of  Ireland  as  a whole 
is  at  this  moment  clearly  and  constitutionally  spoken.  I 
cannot  say  it  is  otherwise  when  five-sixths  of  its  lawfully- 
chosen  representatives  are  of  one  mind  in  this  matter. 
There  is  a counter  voice;  and  I wish  to  know  what  is  the 
claim  of  those  by  whom  that  counter  voice  is  spoken,  and 
how  much  is  the  scope  and  allowance  we  can  give  them. 
Certainly,  Sir,  I cannot  allow  it  to  be  said  that  a Protestant 
minority  in  Ulster  or  elsewhere  is  to  rule  the  question  at 
large  for  Ireland.  (Cheers.)  I am  aware  of  no  constitu- 
tional doctrine  tolerable  on  which  such  a conclusion  could 
be  adopted  or  justified.  (Hear,  hear.)  But  I think  that 
the  Protestant  minority  should  have  its  wishes  considered 
(Opposition  cheers)  to  the  utmost  practicable  extent  in  any 
form  which  they  may  assume.  Various  schemes  short  of 
refusing  the  demand  of  Ireland  at  large  have  been  proposed 
on  behalf  of  Ulster.  One  scheme  is  that  Ulster  itself,  or, 
perhaps  with  more  appearance  of  reason,  a portion  of  Ulster, 
should  be  excluded  from  the  operation  of  the  Bill  we  are 
about  to  introduce.  Another  scheme  is  that  a separate 
autonomy  should  be  provided  for  Ulster,  or  for  a portion  of 
Ulster.  Another  scheme  is  that  certain  rights  with  regard 
to  certain  subjects — such,  for  example,  as  education  and 


GLADSTONE'^  S GEE  A 7^  SPEECH. 


223 


some  other  subjects — should  be  reserved  and  should  be 
placed  to  a certain  extent  under  the  control  of  the  Provincial 
Councils.  These,  I think,  are  the  suggestions  which  have 
reached  me  in  different  shapes;  there  may  be  others.  But 
what  I wish  to  say  of  them  is  this,  there  is  no  one  of  them 
which  has  appeared  to  us  to  be  so  completely  justified,  either 
upon  its  merits  or  by  the  weight  of  opinion  supporting  and 
recommending  it,  as  to  warrant  our  including  it  in  the  Bill 
and  proposing  it  to  Parliament  upon  our  responsibility. 
(Hear,  hear.)  What  we  think  is  that  such  suggestions  de- 
serve careful  and  unprejudiced  consideration.  It  may  be 
that  that  free  discussion  which  I have  no  doubt  will  largely 
take  place  after  a Bill  such  as  we  propose  shall  have  been 
laid  on  the  table  of  the  House,  may  give  to  one  of  these 
proposals,  or  to  some  other  proposals,  a practicable  form, 
and  that  some  such  plan  may  be  found  to  be  recommended 
by  a general  or  predominating  approval.  If  it  should  be 
so,  it  will,  at  our  hands,  have  the  most  favorable  considera- 
tion, with  every  disposition  to  do  what  equity  may  appear 
to  recommend.  That  is  what  I have  to  say  on  the  subject 
of  Ulster.  I have  spoken  now  of  the  essential  conditions 
of  a good  plan  for  Ireland,  and  I add  only  this  that  in  order 
to  be  a good  plan  it  must  be  a plan  promising  to  be  a real 
settlement  of  Ireland.  (Cheers.)  To  show  that  without  a 
good  plan  you  can  have  no  real  settlement  I may  point  to 
the  fact  that  the  great  settlement  of  1782  was  not  a real 
settlement.  Most  unhappily.  Sir,  it  was  not  a real  settle- 
ment; and  why  was  it  not  a real  settlement  ? Was  it  Ireland 
that  prevented  it  from  being  a real  settlement?  (Home 
Rule  cheers.)  No,  Sir;  it  was  the  mistaken  policy  of  Eng- 
land (hear,  hear),  listening  to  the  pernicious  voice  and 
claims  of  ascendency.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  It  was  im- 
possible, however,  not  to  say  this  word  for  the  Protestant 
Parliament  of  Ireland.  Founded  as  it  was  upon  narrow 
suffrage,  exclusive  in  religion,  crowded  with  pensioners  and 


224 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


place-holders  (Home  Rule  cheers),  holding  every  advantage, 
it  yet  had  in  it  the  spark,  at  least,  and  the  spirit  of  true 
patriotism.  (Opposition  cheers.)  It  emancipated  the 
Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland  (cheers)  when  the  Roman 
Catholics  of  England  were  not  yet  emancipated.  (Cheers.) 
It  received  Lord  Fitzwilliam  with  open  arms;  and  when 
Lord  Fitzwilliam  promoted  to  the  best  of  his  ability  the 
introduction  of  Roman  Catholics  into  Parliament,  and  his 
brief  career  was  unhappily  intercepted  by  a peremptory 
recall  from  England,  what  happened  ? Why,  Sir,  in  both 
Houses  of  the  Irish  Parliament  votes  were  at  once  passed 
by  those  Protestants,  by  those  men,  mixed  as  they  were, 
with  so  large  an  infusion  of  pensions  and  of  places,  on  the 
recall  of  Lord  Fitzwilliam,  registering  their  confidence  in 
that  nobleman  and  desiring  that  he  should  still  be  left  to 
administer  the  government  of  Ireland.  (Home  Rule  cheers.) 
What  the  Irish  Parliament  did  when  Lord  Fitzwilliam  was 
promoting  the  admission  of  Roman  Catholics  into  Parlia- 
m^ent  justifies  me  in  saying  there  was  a spirit  there  which, 
if  free  scope  had  been  left  to  it,  would  in  all  probability 
have  been  enabled  to  work  out  a happy  solution  for  every 
Irish  problem  and  difficulty,  and  would  have  saved  to  the 
coming  generation  an  infinity  of  controversy  and  trouble. 
(Cheers.)  I pass  on  to  ask  how  are  we  to  set  about  the 
giving  effect  to  the  proposition  I have  made,  to  the  purpose 
I have  defined,  of  establishing  in  Ireland  a domestic  Legis- 
lature to  deal  with  Irish  as  contradistinguished  from  Im- 
perial affairs  ? And  here.  Sir,  I am  confronted  at  the  outset 
by  what  we  have  felt  to  be  a formidable  dilemma.  I will 
endeavor  to  state  and  to  explain  it  to  the  House  as  well  as 
I can.  Ireland  is  to  have  a domestic  Legislature  for  Irish 
affairs.  That  is  my  postulate  from  which  I set  out.  Are 
Irish  members  in  this  House,  are  Irish  representative  peers 
in  the  other  House,  still  to  continue  to  form  part  of  the  re- 
spective Assemblies  ? That  is  the  first  question  which  meets 


GLADSTONE'S  GEE  A T SPEECH.  225 

us  in  consideration  of  the  ground  I have  opened.  Now  I 
think  it  will  be  perfectly  clear  that  if  Ireland  is  to  have  a 
domestic  Legislature,  Irish  peers  and  Irish  representatives 
cannot  come  here  to  control  English  and  Scotch  affairs. 
(Home  Rule  cheers.)  That  I understand  to  be  admitted 
freely.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  I never  heard  of  their  urg- 
ing the  contrary,  and  I am  inclined  to  believe  that  it  would 
be  universally  admitted.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  one  thing  fol- 
lows from  the  other.  There  cannot  be  a domestic  Legisla- 
ture in  Ireland  dealing  with  Irish  affairs  and  Irish  peers  and 
Irish  representatives  sitting  in  Parliament  at  Westminster 
to  take  part  in  English  and  Scotch  affairs.  My  next  ques- 
tion is.  Is  it  practicable  for  Irish  representatives  to  come 
here  for  the  settlement,  not  of  English  and  Scotch,  but  of 
Imperial  affairs  ? In  principle  it  would  be  very  difficult,  I 
think,  to  object  to  that  proposition.  But  then  its  accept- 
ance depends  entirely  upon  our  arriving  at  the  conclusion 
that  in  this  House  we  can  draw  for  practical  purposes  a dis- 
tinction between  affairs  which  are  Imperial  and  affairs  which 
are  not  Imperial.  (Hear,  hear.)  It  would  not  be  difficult 
to  say  in  principle  that  as  the  Irish  Legislature  has  nothing 
to  do  with  Imperial  concerns  let  Irish  members  come  here 
and  vote  on  Imperial  concerns.  All  depends  on  the  prac- 
ticability of  the  distinction.  Well,  Sir,  I have  thought 
much,  reasoned  much,  and  inquired  much  with  regard  to 
that  distinction.  I had  hoped  it  might  be  possible  to  draw 
a distinction,  and  I have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  it 
cannot  be  drawn.  I believe  it  passes  the  wit  of  man;  at  any 
rate  it  passes  not  my  wit  alone,  but  the  wit  of  many  with 
whom  I have  communicated.  It  would  be  easy  to  exhibit 
a case;  but  the  difficulty,  I may  say,  in  my  opinion,  arises 
from  this:  If  this  were  a merely  legislative  House,  or  if 
the  House  of  Lords  were  merely  a legislative  House — this 
House,  of  course,  affords  the  best  illustration — I do  not 
think  it  would  be  difficult  to  draw  a distinction.  We  are 
IS 


226 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


going  to  draw  the  distinction — we  have  drawn  the  distinc- 
tion— in  the  Bill  which  I ask  leave  to  lay  on  the  table  for 
legislative  purposes  with  reference  to  what  I hope  will  be 
the  domestic  Legislature  of  Ireland.  But  this  House  is 
not  merely  a legislative  House;  it  is  a House  controlling 
the  Executive;  and  when  you  come  to  the  control  of  the 
Executive,  then  your  distinction  between  Imperial  subjects 
and  non-imperial  subjects  totally  breaks  down — it  is  totally 
insufficient  to  cover  the  whole  case.  For  example,  suppose 
it  to  be  a question  of  foreign  policy.  Suppose  the  Irish 
members  in  this  House  coming  here  to  vote  on  a question 
of  foreign  policy.  Is  it  possible  to  deny  that  they  would  be 
entitled  to  take  part  in  discussing  an  Address  to  the  Crown 
for  the  dismissal  of  the  Foreign  Minister?  It  is  totally 
impossible  to  deny — it  is  totally  impossible  to  separate — the 
right  of  impugning  the  policy  and  the  right  of  action  against 
the  Minister.  Well,  Sir,  if  on  that  account  members  might 
take  part  in  an  Address  dismissing  the  Foreign  Minister,  I 
want  to  know,  considering  the  collective  responsibility  of 
Government — a principle,  I hope,  which  will  always  be 
maintained  at  the  very  highest  level  that  circumstances  will 
permit,  for  I am  satisfied  that  the  public  honor  and  the 
public  welfare  are  closely  associated  with  it — if  that  be  so, 
what  will  be  the  effect  of  the  dismissal  of  the  Foreign 
Minister  on  the  existence  and  action  of  the  Government  to 
which  he  belongs?  Why,  Sir,  the  Government  in  19  cases 
out  of  20  will  break  down  with  the  Foreign  Minister;  and 
when  these  gentlemen,  coming  here  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
cussing Imperial  questions  alone,  could  dislodge  the  Gov- 
ernment which  is  charged  with  the  entire  interests  of  Eng- 
land and  Scotland,  I ask  you  what  becomes  of  the  distinction 
between  Imperial  and  non-imperial  affairs  ? I believe  it  to 
be  impossible,  and  therefore  I arrive  at  the  next  conclusion 
that — Irish  members  and  Irish  peers  cannot,  if  a domestic 
Legislature  be  given  to  Ireland,  justly  retain  a seat  in  the 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH, 


227 


Parliament  at  Westminster.  (Cheers.)  If  Irish  members 
do  not  sit  in  this  House  and  Irish  peers  do  not  sit  in  the 
other  House,  how  is  Ireland  to  be  taxed  ? I shall  assume, 
as  a matter  of  course,  that  we  should  propose  that  a general 
power  of  taxation  should  pass  to  the  domestic  Legislature 
of  Ireland.  But  there  is  one  very  important  branch  of  taxa- 
tion, involving,  indeed,  a second  branch,  which  is  suscepti- 
ble of  being  viewed  in  a very  different  aspect  from  the  taxes 
of  Ireland  generally.  I mean  the  duties  of  customs  and 
duties  of  excise  relatively  to  customs.  One  thing  I tak'e 
to  be  absolutely  certain.  Great  Britain  will  never  force 
upon  Ireland  taxation  without  representation.  (Hear, 
hear.)  Well,  Sir,  if  we  are  never  to  force  upon  Ireland  taxa- 
tion without  representation,  then  comes  another  question  of 
the  deepest  practical  interest — Are  we  to  give  up  the  fiscal 
unity  of  the  Empire  ? I sometimes  see  it  argued  that,  in 
giving  up  the  fiscal  unity  of  the  Empire,  we  should  give  up 
the  unity  of  the  Empire.  (Hear,  hear.)  To  that  argument 
I do  not  subscribe.  The  unity  of  the  Empire  rests  upon 
the  supremacy  of  Parliament  and  on  considerations  much 
higher  than  considerations  merely  fiscal.  But  I must  admit 
that,  while  I cannot  stand  on  the  high  ground  of  principle, 
yet  on  the  very  substantial  ground  of  practice  to  give  up 
the  fiscal  unity  of  the  Empire  would  be  a very  great  public 
inconvenience  and  a very  great  public  misfortune  (cheers) 
— a very  great  public  misfortune  for  Great  Britain;  and  I 
believe  it  would  be  a still  greater  misfortune  for  Ireland 
were  the  fiscal  unity  of  the  Empire  to  be  put  to  hazard  and 
practically  abandoned.  I may  say  also,  looking  as  I do  with 
hope  to  the  success  of  the  measure  I now  propose  (hear, 
hear),  I,  at  any  rate,  feel  the  highest  obligation  not  to  do 
anything,  not  to  propose  anything,  without  necessity,  that 
would  greatly  endanger  the  right  comprehension  of  this 
subject  by  the  people  of  England  and  Scotland,  which  might 
be  the  case  were  the  fiscal  unity  of  the  Empire  broken. 


228 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


(Hear,  hear.)  There  is  the  dilemma  as  I have  now  pre- 
sented it.  I conceive  that  there  is  but  one  escape  from  it, 
and  that  is,  if  there  were  conditions  upon  which  Ireland 
consented  to  such  arrangements  as  would  leave  the  authority 
of  laying  customs  duties  and  such  excise  duties  as  are  im- 
mediately connected  with  customs  in  the  hands  of  Parlia- 
ment here,  and  would  by  her  will  consent  to  set  our  hands 
free  to  take  the  course  that  the  general  exigencies  of  the 
case  appear  to  require.  These  conditions  I take  to  be 
three: — In  the  first  place,  that  a general  power  of  taxation 
over  and  above  these  particular  duties  passed  unequivocally 
into  the  hands  of  the  domestic  Legislature  of  Ireland.  In 
the  second  place,  that  the  entire  proceeds  of  the  customs 
and  excise  be  held  for  the  benefit  of  Ireland,  for  the  dis- 
charge of  the  obligations  of  Ireland,  and  for  the  payment 
of  the  balance  after  discharging  those  obligations  into  an 
Irish  Exchequer,  to  remain  at  the  free  disposal  of  the  Irish 
legislative  body.  But  there  is  another  point  which  I think 
ought  to  engage  and  may  justly  engage,  the  anxious  atten- 
tion in  particular  of  the  representatives  of  Ireland;  and  it 
is  this: — The  proposal  which  I have  now  sketched  is  that 
we  should  pass  an  Act  giving  to  Ireland  what  she  considers 
an  enormous  boon,  under  the  name  of  a statutory  Parlia- 
ment for  the  control  of  Irish  affairs,  both  legislative  and 
administrative.  But  one  of  the  provisions  of  that  Act  is 
the  withdrawal  of  Irish  representative  peers  from  the  House 
of  Lords,  and  Irish  members  from  the  House  of  Commons. 
AVell,  then,  I think  it  will  naturally  occur  to  the  Irish,  as  it 
would  in  parallel  circumstances  to  the  Scotch  or  the  English 
— and  more  especially  to  the  Scotch  mind — what  is  to  be- 
come of  the  privileges  conveyed  by  the  Act  after  the  Scotch 
members,  who  were  their  natural  guardians,  are  withdrawn 
from  Parliament.  (A  Voice. — The  Irish  members.)  I was 
speaking  of  the  Scotch  members  in  order  to  bring  it  very 
distinctly  to  the  minds  of  honorable  members,  supposing 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH. 


229 


that  Scotland  had  entertained — what  she  has  never  had 
reason  to  entertain — the  desire  for  a domestic  Legislature. 
I must  confess  I think  that  Ireland  ought  to  have  security 
on  that  subject — security  that  advantage  would  not  be  taken, 
so  far  as  we  can  preclude  the  possibility  of  it,  of  the  absence 
of  Irish  representatives  from  Parliament  for  the  purpose  of 
tampering  with  any  portion  of  the  boon  which  we  propose  to 
confer  on  Ireland  by  this  Act.  I think  we  have  a method 
of  dealing  with  that  difficulty.  I may  be  very  sanguine, 
but  I hope  that  the  day  may  come  when  Ireland  would  have 
reason  to  look  on  this  Act,  if  adopted  by  Parliament  as  for 
practical  purposes  her  Magna  Charta.  (Home  Rule  cheers.) 
A Magna  Charta  for  Ireland  ought  to  be  most  jealously  and 
effectively  assured,  and  it  will  be  assured,  against  unhal- 
lowed and  unlawful  interference.  (Hear,  hear.)  Two  cases 
at  once  occur  to  the  mind.  There  might  be  alterations  of 
detail  in  a law  of  this  kind  on  which  everybody  might  be 
agreed.  We  think  it  would  be  very  absurd  to  require  either 
the  construction  or  reconstruction  of  that  cumbrous  and 
difficult  machinery  for  the  purpose  of  disposing  of  cases  of 
this  kind,  and  therefore  we  propose  that  the  provisions  of 
this  Act  might  be  modified  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Irish 
Legislature,  or  in  conformity  with  a request  from  the  Irish 
Legislature.  That  is  intended  for  cases  where  there  is  a 
general  agreement.  I hope  it  will  not  happen,  but  I admit 
it  might  happen,  that  in  some  point  or  other  the  foresight 
and  sagacity  now  brought  to  bear  on  this  subject  might 
prove  insufficient.  It  is  possible,  though  I trust  it  is  not 
probable,  that  material  alterations  might  be  found  requisite, 
that  on  these  amendments  there  might  be  differences  of 
opinion;  and  yet,  however  improbable  the  case  may  be,  it 
is  a case  which  it  might  be  proper  to  provide  beforehand 
for.  What  we  then  should  propose  is  that  the  provisions  of 
this  Act  should  not  be  altered,  except  either  on  an  address 
from  the  Irish  Legislature  to  the  Crown  such  as  I have 


230 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


described,  or  else,  after  replacing  and  recalling  into  action 
the  full  machinery  under  which  Irish  representatives  now 
sit  here,  and  Irish  peers  sit  in  the  House  of  Lords,  so  that 
when  their  case  again  came  to  be  tried  they  might  have  the 
very  same  means  of  defending  their  constitutional  rights  as 
they  have  now.  (Hear,  hear.)  Now,  we  believe  that  is  one 
of  those  cases  which  are  often  best  averted  by  making  a 
good  provision  against  them.  Now,  upon  the  footing  which  I 
have  now  endeavored  to  describe  we  propose  to  relieve  Irish 
peers  and  representatives  from  attendance  at  Westminster, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  preserve  absolutely  the  fiscal  unity 
of  the  Empire.  Let  me  say  that  there  are  several  reasons 
that  occur  to  me  which  might  well  incline  the  prudence  of 
Irishmen  to  adopt  an  arrangement  of  this  kind.  If  there 
were  Irish  representatives  in  this  House  at  the  same  time 
that  a domestic  Legislature  sat  in  Ireland,  I think  that  the 
presence  of  those  Irish  representatives  would  have  some 
tendency  to  disparage  the  domestic  Legislature.  (Hear, 
hear.)  I think  there  would  be  serious  difficulties  that 
would  arise,  besides  the  insurmountable  difficulty  that  I have 
pointed  out  as  to  the  division  of  subjects.  Even  if  it  were 
possible  to  divide  the  subjects,  what  an  anomaly  it  would 
be,  what  a mutilation  of  all  our  elementary  ideas  about  the 
absolute  equality  of  members  in  this  House,  were  we  to 
have  ordinarily  among  us  two  classes  of  members,  one  of 
them  qualified  to  vote  on  all  kinds  of  business  and  another 
qualified  only  to  vote  here  and  there  on  particular  kinds  of 
business,  and  obliged  to  submit  to  some  criterion  or  other 
— say  the  authority  of  the  Chair — novel  for  such  a purpose 
and  difficult  to  exercise — in  order  to  determine  what  kinds 
of  business  they  could  vote  upon,  and  what  kinds  of  busi- 
ness they  must  abstain  from  voting  on  ! There  would,  I 
think,  be  another  difficulty  in  determining  what  the^number 
of  those  members  should  be.  My  opinion  is  that  there 
would  be  great  jealousy  of  the  habitual  presence  of  103 


GLADSTONE  'S  GREA  T SPEECH, 


231 


Irish  members  in  this  House,  even  for  limited  purposes, 
after  a legislative  body  had  been  constructed  in  Ireland; 
and  on  the  other  hand  I can  very  well  conceive  that  Ireland 
would  exceedingly  object  to  the  reduction — the  material 
reduction  of  those  members.  I am  sorry  to  have  to  mention 
another  difficulty,  which  is  this — Ireland  has  not  had  the 
practice  in  local  self-government  that  has  been  given  to 
England  and  Scotland.  We  have  unfortunately  shut  her 
out  from  that  experience.  In  some  respects  we  have  been 
jealous,  in  others  niggardly  towards  Ireland.  It  might  be 
very  difficult  for  Ireland  in  the  present  state  of  things  to 
man  a Legislative  Chamber  in  Dublin,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  present  in  this  House  an  array  of  so  much  distinguished 
ability  as  I think  all  parties  will  admit  has  been  exhibited 
on  the  part  of  Ireland  during  recent  Parliaments  on  the 
benches  of  this  House.  (Hear,  hear.)  But  I pass  on  from 
this  portion  of  the  question,  having  referred  to  these  two 
vital  propositions  as  essential  parts  of  the  foundation  of  the 
Bill — namely,  first,  that  it  is  proposed  that  the  Irish  repre- 
sentation in  Parliament  at  Westminster  should  cease  unless 
in  the  contingent,  and  I hope  hardly  possible,  case  to  which 
I have  alluded,  and  next  that  the  fiscal  unity  of  the  Empire 
shall  be  absolutely  maintained.  My  next  duty  is  to  state 
what  the  powers  of  the  proposed  legislative  bofly  would  be. 
The  capital  article  of  that  legislative  body  will  be  that  it 
should  have  the  control  of  the  executive  Government  of 
Ireland  as  well  as  of  legislative  business.  Evidently,  I 
think,  it  was  a flaw  in  the  system  of  1782  that  adequate  pro- 
vision was  not  made  for  that  purpose,  and  we  should  not 
like  to  leave  a flaw  of  such  a nature  in  the  work  we  are  now 
doing.  In  1782  there  were  difficulties  that  we  have  not 
now  before  us.  At  that  time  it  might  have  been  very  fairly 
said  that  no  one  could  tell  how  a separate  Legislature  would 
work  without  it  had  under  its  control  what  is  termed  a re- 
sponsible Government.  We  have  no  such  difficulty  and  no 


232 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


such  excuse  now.  The  problem  of  responsible  government 
has  been  solved  for  us  in  our  colonies.  (Cheers.)  It  works 
very  well  there;  and  in  perhaps  a dozen  cases  in  different 
quarters  of  the  globe  it  works  to  our  perfect  satisfaction. 
(Cheers.)  It  may  be  interesting  to  the  House  if  I recount 
the  fact  that  responsible  government  in  the  colonies 
was,  I think,  first  established  by  one  Orf  our  most  distin- 
guished statesmen,  Earl  Russell,  when  he  held  the  office  of 
Colonial  Secretary  in  the  Government  of  Lord  Melbourne. 
But  it  was  a complete  departure  from  established  tradition, 
and,  if  I remember  right,  not  more  than  two  or  three  years 
before  that  generous  and  wise  experiment  was  tried  Lord 
Russell  had  himself  written  a most  able  despatch  to  show 
that  it  could  not  be  done;  that  with  responsible  government 
in  the  colonies  you  would  have  two  centres  of  gravity  and 
two  sources  of  motion  in  the  Empire;  that  a united  Empire 
absolutely  required  that  there  should  be  but  one,  and  that 
consequently  the  proposition  could  not  be  entertained. 
Such  was  the  view  of  the  question  entertained  while  it  was 
yet  at  a distance,  and  such  perhaps  may  have  been  our  view 
of  the  subject  I am  now  endeavoring  to  unfold  while  it  was 
yet  at  a distance.  But  it  has  been  brought  near  to  us  by 
the  circumstances  of  the  late  election  (Opposition  cheers), 
and  I beliete  that  if  we  look  closely  at  its  particulars  we 
should  find  that  many  of  the  fears  with  which  we  may  have 
regarded  it  are  perfectly  unreal,  and  especially  that  great 
panic,  that  great  apprehension  of  all,  the  fear  lest  it  should 
prove  injurious  to  what  is  our  first  duty  to  maintain — 
namely,  the  absolute  unity  and  integrity  of  the  Empire. 
(Cheers.)  There  is  another  point  in  regard  to  the  powers 
of  the  legislative  body  of  which  I wish  to  make  specific 
mention.  Two  courses  might  have  been  followed.  One 
would  be  to  endow  this  legislative  body  with  particular 
legislative  powers.  The  otlier  is  to  except  from  the  sphere 
of  its  action  those  subjects  which  we  think  ought  to  be  ex- 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH. 


233 


cepted,  and  to  leave  it  everything  else  which  is  the  conse- 
quence of  the  plans  before  us.  The  enumeration  will  be  of 
the  disabilities,  and  everything  not  included  in  that  enumera- 
tion will  be  left  open  to  the  domestic  Legislature.  As  I 
have  already  said,  the  administrative  power  by  a responsi- 
ble Government  would  pass  under  our  proposals  with  the 
legislative  power.  Then,  Sir,  the  legislative  body  would  be 
subject  to  the  provisions  of  the  Act  in  the  first  place  as  to 
its  own  composition.  But  we  propose  to  introduce  into  it 
what  I would  generally  explain  as  two  orders,  though  not 
two  Houses;  and  we  suggest  that  with  regard  to  the  popular 
order,  which  will  be  the  more  numerous,  the  provisions  of 
the  Act  may  be  altered  at  any  period  after  the  first  disso- 
lution; but  with  regard  to  the  other  order — the  less  numer- 
ous order  of  the  two — the  provisions  of  the  Act  can  only 
be  altered  after  the  assent  of  the  Crown  to  an  address  from 
the  legislative  body  for  that  purpose.  We  should  provide 
generally — and  on  that  I conceive  there  would  be  no  differ- 
ence of  opinion — that  this  body  should  be  subject  to  all  the 
prerogatives  of  the  Crown,  but  we  should  insert  a particu- 
lar provision  to  the  effect  that  its  maximum  duration  without 
dissolution,  should  not  exceed  five  years.  (Cheers.)  I 
will  now  tell  the  House — and  I would  beg  particular  atten- 
tion to  this — what  are  the  functions  that  we  propose  to  with- 
draw from  the  cognizance  of  this  legislative  body.  The 
three  grand  and  principal  functions  are,  first,  everything 
that  relates  to  the  Crown — succession^  prerogatives,  and 
the  mode  of  administering  power  during  incapacity,  re- 
gency, and,  in  fact,  all  that  belongs  to  the  Crown.  The 
next  would  be  all  that  belongs  to  defence — the  Army,  the 
Navy,  the  entire  organization  of  armed  force.  I do  not  say 
the  police  force,  which  I will  touch  upon  by-and-by,  but 
everything  belonging  to  defence.  And  the  third  would  be 
the  entire  subject  of  foreign  and  colonial  relations.  Those 
are  the  subjects  most  properly  Imperial,  and  I will  say  be- 


234 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELANp, 


long  as  a principle  to  the  Legislature  established  under  the 
Act  of  Union  and  sitting  at  Westminster.  There  are  some 
other  subjects  which  I will  briefly  touch.  In  the  first  place, 
it  would  not  be  competent  to  the  domestic  Legislature  in 
Ireland  to  alter  the  provisions  of  the  Act  which  we  are  now 
about  to  pass  as  I hope  (Home  Rule  and  Ministerial  cheers), 
and  which  I ask  that  we  should  pass  with  the  consent  of 
the  three  countries — it  would  not  be  competent  to  the  Irish 
legislative  body  to  alter  those  provisions,  excepting  in  points 
where  they  are  designedly  left  open  as  part  of  the  original 
contract  and  settlement.  We  do  not  propose  universal  disa- 
bility as  to  contracts,  but  there  are  certain  contracts  made 
in  Ireland  under  circumstances  so  peculiar  that  we  think  we 
ought  to  except  them  from  the  action  of  the  legislative  body. 
There  also  some  analogous  provisions  made  in  respect  to 
charters  anterior  to  the  Act  which  in  our  opinion  ought  only 
to  be  alterable  after  the  assent  of  the  Crown  to  an  address 
from  the  legislative  body  for  that  purpose.  There  is  an- 
other disability  that  we  propose  to  lay  upon  the  legislative 
body;  and  it  is  one  of  those  with  respect  to  which  I am 
bound  to  say  in  my  belief  there  is  no  real  apprehension  that 
the  thing  would  be  done,  but  at  the  same  time,  though 
there  may  not  be  a warranted  apprehension,  there  are  many 
honest  apprehensions  which  it  is  our  duty  to  consider  as  far 
as  we  can.  We  propose  to  provide  that  the  legislative  body 
should  not  be  competent  to  pass  a law  for  the  establishment 
or  the  endowment  of  any  particular  religion.  (Loud  cheers.) 
Those  I may  call  exceptions  of  principle.  Then  there  are 
exceptions  of  what  I may  call  practical  necessity  for  ordi- 
nary purposes.  The  first  of  those  is  the  law  of  trade  and 
navigation.  I assume  that  as  to  trade  and  navigation  at 
large,  it  would  be  a great  calamity  to  Ireland  to  be  separated 
from  Creat  Britain.  1'he  question  of  taxation  in  relation 
to  trade  and  navigation  I have  already  mentioned.  The 
same  observation  ri]>j)lies  to  tlie  subject  of  coinage  and  legal 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH, 


235 


tender,  but  we  do  not  propose  to  use  the  term  currency,'’ 
simply  because  there  is  an  ambiguity  about  it.  Ireland 
might  think  fit  to  pass  a law  providing  for  the  extinction  of 
private  issues  in  Ireland,  and  that  no  bank  notes  should  be 
issued  in  Ireland  except  under  the  authority  and  for  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  State.  I own  it  is  my  opinion  that  Ireland 
would  do  an  extremely  sensible  thing  if  she  passed  such  a 
law.  (Hear,  hear.)  It  is  my  most  strong  and  decided 
opinion  that  we  ought  to  have  the  same  law  ourselves 
(cheers),  but  the  block  of  business  has  prevented  that  and 
many  othrer  good  things  towards  which  I hope  we  are  now 
going  to  open  the  door.  I only  use  that  as  an  illustration 
to  show  that  I should  be  very  sorry  if  we  were  needlessly  to 
limit  the  free  action  of  the  Irish  Legislature  upon  Irish 
matters.  There  are  other  subjects  on  which  I will  not  dwell. 
One  of  them  is  the  subject  of  weights  and  measures;  an- 
other is  the  subject  of  copyright.  These  are  not  matters 
for  discussion  at  the  present  moment.  There  is,  however, 
one  other  important  subject  with  regard  to  which  we  pro- 
pose to  leave  it  entirely  open  to  the  judgment  of  Ireland — 
that  subject  is  the  Post  Office.  Our  opinion  is  that  it  would 
be  for  the  convenience  of  both  countries  if  the  Post  Office 
were  to  remain  under  the  control  of  the  Postmaster-General. 
The  Post  Office  requires  an  army  of  servants,  and  I think 
that  Ireland  might  not  wish  to  see  all  the  regulations  con- 
nected with  that  unarmed  army  left  to  an  English  authority. 
We  have,  therefore,  placed  the  Post  Office  in  the  Bill  under 
circumstances  which  would  enable  the  legislative  body  in 
Ireland  to  claim  for  itself  authority  on  this  subject  if  it 
should  see  fit.  There  are  some  other  matters,  such  as  the 
census,  the  quarantine  laws,  and  one  or  two  others  which 
stand  in  the  same  category.  Now  I believe  I have  given  a 
sufficient  description  of  the  exceptions  from  the  legislative 
action  of  the  proposed  Irish  legislative  body.  I have  dealt 
with  the  powers  of  the  legislative  body.  I come  next  to 


TJIE  STOR  y OF  IRELAND. 


23() 

the  composition  of  the  legislative  body.  We  propose  to 
provide  for  it  as  follows.  I have  referred  to  the  protection 
of  minorities.  We  might  constitute  a legislative  body  in 
Ireland  by  a very  brief  enactment  if  we  were  to  say  that  the 
103  members  now  representing  Ireland,  and  103  more  mem- 
bers, perhaps  elected  by  the  same  constituencies,  should 
constitute  the  one  and  only  House  in  Ireland  without  the 
introduction  of  what  I may  call  the  dual  element.  But, 
Sir,  we  are  of  opinion  that  if  a proposition  of  that  kind  were 
made,  in  the  first  place  it  would  be  stated  that  it  did  not 
afford  legitimate  protection  for  minorities.  And  in  the  sec- 
ond place  it  might  be  thought  by  many  of  those  who  would 
be  less  sensitive  on  the  subject  of  minorities  that  some  greater 
provision  was  required  for  stability  and  consistency  in  the 
conduct  of  the  complex  work  of  legislation  than  could  possi- 
bly be  supplied  by  a single  set  of  men  elected  under  an 
absolutely  single  influence.  Upon  that  account.  Sir,  we 
propose  to  introduce  into  this  legislative  body  what  we  have 
termed  two  orders.  These  orders  would  sit  and  deliberate 
together.  There  would  be  a power  on  the  demand  of  either 
order  for  separate  voting.  The  effect  of  that  separate  voting 
would  be  that  while  the  veto  was  in  force,  while  it  sufficed 
to  bar  the  enactment  of  a Bill,  there  would  be  an  absolute 
veto  of  one  order  upon  the  other.  Such  veto,  in  our  view, 
might  be  salutary  and  useful  for  the  purpose  of  insuring 
deliberation  and  consistency  with  adequate  considertaion  in 
the  business  of  making  laws.  But  it  ought  not  to  be  per- 
petual. If  it  were  perpetual  a block  would  arise,  as  it  might 
arise  conceivably,  and  as  really,  we  may  almost  say,  we  have 
seen  it  arise  in  certain  cases  in  the  colonies,  particularly  in 
one  where  there  were  two  perfectly  independent  orders. 
What  we  therefore  propose  is  that  this  veto  can  only  be 
operative  for  a limited  time,  say  until  a dissolution,  or  for 
a period  of  three  years,  whichever  might  be  the  longer  of 
the  two.  So  much.  Sir,  for  the  relation  of  these  two  orders, 


GLADSTONE'S  GEE  AT  SPEECH, 


237 


the  one  to  the  other.  I may  observe  that  that  distinction 
of  orders  would  be  available  and  is  almost  necessary  with  a 
view  to  maintaining  the  only  form  of  control  over  the  judi- 
cial body  known  to  us  in  this  country — viz.,  the  concurrence 
of  two  authorities  chosen  under  somewhat  different  influ- 
ences in  one  common  conclusion  with  regard  to  the  pro- 
priety of  removing  a Judge  from  his  office.  Now,  Sir,  I will 
just  describe  very  briefly  the  composition  of  these  orders. 
It  may  not  have  occurred  to  many  gentlemen  that  some  day 
or  other,  if  we  succeed  in  the  path  we  are  now  opening  with 
respect  to  the  28  distinguished  individuals  who  now  occupy 
the  place  of  representative  peers  of  Ireland,  it  is  not  possi- 
ble, we  think,  for  them  to  continue  to  hold  their  places  in 
the  House  of  Lords  after  the  Irish  representatives  have 
been  removed  from  attending  the  House  of  Commons. 
(Hear,  hear.)  I do  not  say  that  the  precedent  is  an  exact 
one,  but  the  House  may  remember  that  in  the  case  of  the 
disestablishment  of  the  Irish  Church  we  did  disable  the 
bishops  who  were  entitled  to  sit  for  life  from  continuing — I 
mean  disabled  them  personally  from  continuing — to  sit  in 
the  House  of  Lords  after  the  disestablishment  of  the  Irish 
Church.  We  do  not  wish.  Sir,  to  entail  this  personal  disa- 
bility. We  propose  that  these  28  peers  shall  have  the  option 
of  sitting,  if  they  think  fit,  as  a portion  of  the  first  order  in 
the  Irish  legislative  assembly.  (Opposition  laughter.)  And 
that  they  shall  have  the  power — that  they  shall  personally 
have  the  power — of  sitting  there  as  they  sit  in  the  House 
of  Lords  for  life.  There  may.  Sir,  be  those  who  thmk  this 
option  will  not  be  largely  used.  (Laughter.)  I am  not  one  of 
that  number.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  I believe  that  the 
Irish  peers  have  an  Irish  as  well  as  an  Imperial  patriotism. 
In  the  1 8th  century  Irish  peers  were  not  ashamed  of  the 
part  they  played  in  the  Irish  Parliament.  (Home  Rule 
cheers.)  It  was,  I think,  the  Duke  of  Leinster  who  moved 
the  Address  in  the  House  of  Lords,  which  he  carried,  ex- 


238 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


pressing  the  confidence  of  that  House  in  Lord  Fitzwilliam. 
I may  be  too  sanguine  (Home  Rule  cheers),  but  I say 
boldly  that  if  this  measure  pass  under  happy  circumstances, 
especially  if  it  pass  without  political  exasperation,  one  of  its 
effects  will  be  a great  revival  of  the  local  as  well  as  a great 
confirmation  and  extension  of  Imperial  patriotism.  At  any 
rate  it  is  our  duty,  I think,  to  provide  that  the  Irish  peers, 
the  28  representative  Irish  peers,  may  form  part  of  the  Irish 
legislative  body.  There  will  be  no  disability  entailed  upon 
any  Irish  peer  from  being  at  once  a member  of  the  Irish 
legislative  body  and  likewise  of  the  House  of  Lords.  In 
the  last  century  many  distinguished  men  sat  in  both,  and 
in  the  circumstances  we  certainly  see  no  cause  for  putting 
an  end  to  the  double  qualification  which  was  thus  enjoyed, 
and  which,  I think,  worked  beneficially.  There  is  a diffi- 
culty, however,  to  which  I will  just  advert  for  one  moment 
in  combining  the  connection  or  place  of  these  28  peers  who 
are  to  sit  for  life  with  the  rest  of  the  first  order  of  the 
Chamber.  We  propose  as  to  the  remainder  of  the  first 
order  that  it  shall  consist  of  75  members  to  be  elected  by 
the  Irish  people  under  conditions  which  we  propose  to 
specify  in  the  schedules  to  the  Act,  not  yet  filled  up  as  to 
its  details.  But  I mention  at  once  the  two  provisions 
which  would  apply  to  the  election  of  75  members.  First 
of  all,  the  constituency  would  be  a constituency  composed 
of  persons  occupying  to  the  value  of  ^^25  and  upwards,  and 
secondly,  they  would  be  elected  for  a period,  as  a general 
rule,  of  ten  years,  with  a little  exception  I need  not  now 
refer  to.  Thirdly  they  will  be  elected  subject  to  a property 
qualification  of  realty  to  the  extent  of  ^£200  a year,  or  of 
personalty  to  the  extent  of  ;^2oo  a year,  or  a capital  value 
of  ;3^4,ooo.  The  peers  would  ultimiitely  be  replaced  by  28 
members,  elected  under  the  same  conditions,  and  we  can- 
not ensure  that  all  these  28  peers  shall  die  at  the  same  time. 
(Laughter)  It  would  be  extremely  difficult  to  devise  an 


GLADSTONE'S  GEE  AT  SPEECH. 


239 


electoral  machinery  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  their 
places  by  election.  We  therefore  propose  to  grant  to  the 
Crown  power,  limited  to  a term  which  we  think  may  fairly 
well  exhaust  the  present  generation,  of  filling  their  places 
by  nomination,  not  for  life,  but  down  to  the  date  to  be  fixed 
by  the  Act.  After  the  system  had  ceased  to  operate  and 
the  representative  peers  had  ceased  to  be  in  that  first 
order,  the  first  order  of  the  legislative  body  would  be  elected 
entirely  upon  the  basis  I have  described.  With  regard  to 
the  second  order,  its  composition  would  be  simple.  Of 
course,  it  would  be  proposed  to  the  103  gentlemen  who  now 
represent  Ireland  in  this  House  from  county  districts,  from 
citizen  towns,  and  from  the  University  of  Dublin,  that 
they  should  take  their  places  in  the  Irish  Legislative 
Chamber  in  Dublin.  (Home  Rule  cheers  and  laughter.) 
We  should  propose  as  nearly  as  possible  to  duplicate  that 
body.  Another  loi  members,  not  103,  we  propose  should  be 
elected  by  the  county  districts  and  the  citizen  towns  in  ex- 
actly the  same  manner  as  that  in  which  the  present  10 1 mem- 
bers for  counties  and  towns  have  been  elected.  We  shall  also 
propose  that  in  the  event  of  any  refusal  to  sit,  refusals  to  ac- 
cept the  option  given,  the  place  shall  be  filled  up  by  election 
under  the  machinery  now  existing.  I ought  to  say  a word 
about  Dublin  University.  We  do  not  propose  to  interfere  by 
any  action  of  ours  with  the  existing  arrangements  of  Dublin 
University  in  one  way  or  another.  But  certainly  we  could 
not  ask  the  House  to  adopt  a plan  at  our  suggestion  which 
would  double  the  representation  of  Dublin  University.  We 
propose  to  leave  it  as  it  is,  but  at  the  same  time  to  empower 
the  legislative  body,  if  it  should  think  fit,  to  appoint  a cor- 
responding representation  of  two  members  in  favor  of  the 
Royal  University.  There  would  be  no  compulsion  to  ex- 
ercise that  power,  but  it  would  be  left  to  the  discretion  of 
the  legislative  body.  The  effect  of  that  would  be  to  give 
to  the  first  order  of  the  proposed  Legislative  Chamber  or 


240 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


body  a number  making  103;  to  give  to  the  second  order 
the  number  of  206  at  the  outside,  or  204  if  the  power  of  the 
Royal  University  were  not  exercised,  and  to  leave  the  rela- 
tions of  the  two  orders  upon  the  footing  which  I have  de- 
scribed. I must  now  say  a few  words  upon  the  subject  of 
the  Executive,  and  what  we  think  most  requisite  with  re- 
gard to  the  Executive  is  that  our  Act  should  be  as  elastic  as 
possible.  It  is  quite  evident  that  though  the  legislative 
transition  can  be  made,  and  ought  to  be  made,  per  saltum., 
by  a single  stroke,  the  Executive  transition  must  necessarily 
be  gradual.  (Hear,  hear.) 

We  propose,  therefore.  Sir,  to  leave  everything  as  it  is 
until  it  is  altered  in  the  regular  course;  so  that  there  shall 
be  no  breach  of  continuity  in  the  government  of  the  coun- 
try, but  that  by  degrees,  as  may  be  arranged  by  persons 
whom  we  feel  convinced  will  meet  together  in  a spirit  of 
co-operation,  and  will  find  no  great,  much  less  insurmount- 
able difficulty  in  their  way,  that  by  degrees  the  old  state 
of  things  be  adjusted  to  the  new.  On  the  one  hand,  the 
representatives  will  remain  on  the  ground;  on  the  other 
hand,  the  principle  of  responsible  government  is  freely  and 
fully  conceded.  (“  Hear,  hear  from  the  Home  Rule  mem- 
bers.) That  principle  of  responsible  government  will  work 
itself  out  in  every  necessary  detail.  It  has  often,  Sir,  been 
proposed  to  abolish  the  Viceroyalty,  and  some  gentlemen 
have  even  been  sanguine  enough  to  believe  that  to  abolish 
the  Viceroyalty  was  to  solve  the  Irish  question.  (Laughter.) 
I must  say  that  I think  that  that  involves  a faculty  of  belief 
far  beyond  any  power  either  of  the  understanding  or  im- 
agination to  which  I have  ever  been  able  to  aspire.  (Renewed 
laughter.)  We  propose  to  leave  the  Viceroyalty  without 
interference  by  the  Act,  except  in  the  particulars  which  I 
am  about  to  name.  The  office  of  the  Viceroyalty  will  only 
be  altered  by  statute.  He  would  not  be  the  representative 
of  a pnrty.  (Home  Rule  cheers)  He  would  not  quit  office 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH. 


241 


with  the  outgoing 'Government.  He  would  have  round 
him,  as  he  has  now,  in  a certain  form,  a Privy  Council,  to 
aid  and  to  advise  him.  Within  that  Privy  Council  the 
executive  body  would  form  itself  under  the  action  of  the 
principal  responsible  Government  for  the  purpose  of  ad- 
ministering the  various  offices  of  the  state.  The  Queen 
would  be  empowered  to  delegate  to  him  in  case  his  office 
should  be  permanently  continued — which  I am  far  from 
believing  to  be  unlikely — any  of  the  prerogatives  which  she 
now  enjoys  or  which  she  would  exercise  under  this  Act,  and 
finally,  we  have  not  forgotten  that  this  office  almost  alone  is 
still  affected  by  one  solitary  outstanding  religious  disability 
— a kind  of  Lot’s  wife,  when  everything  else  has  been 
destroyed — and  that  religious  disability  we  propose  by  our 
Bill  to  remove.  (Cheers.)  The  next  point  is  with  regard 
to  the  Judges  of  the  superior  Courts,  and  here  I draw  a 
partial  distinction  between  the  present  and  the  future  Judges. 
As  regards  the  Judges  of  the  superior  Courts  now  holding 
office,  we  desire  to  secure  to  them  their  position  and  their 
emoluments  in  the  same  absolute  form  as  that  in  which  they 
now  exist.  Although  they  would  become  chargeable  upon 
the  Consolidated  Fund  of  Ireland,  which  we  propose  to 
constitute  by  the  Act,  still  they  would  retain  their  lien — so 
to  call  it  — on  the  Consolidated  Fund  of  Great  Britain. 
Under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  Ireland,  we  cannot 
forget  that  some  of  these  Judges,  by  no  fault  of  their  own, 
have  been  placed  in  relation  more  or  less  uneasy  with  popular 
influences,  and  with  what  under  the  new  Constitution  will 
in  all  probability  be  the  dominating  influence  in  that  coun- 
try. (Hear,  hear)  We  cannot  overlook  the  peculiarities 
of  Irish  history  in  framing  the  provisions  of  this  Bill,  and 
we  therefore  propose,  both  with  regard  to  the  Judges  now 
holding  office  and  with  regard  to  the  persons  who  in  what 
they  deemed  loyal  service  to  the  Empire  have  been  con- 
cerned in  the  administration  and  conduct  of  the  criminal 

i6 


242 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


law  in  Ireland,  that  Her  Majesty  may,  not  lightly  or  whole- 
sale, but  if  she  should  see  cause  on  any  particular  occasion, 
by  order  in  Council  antedate  the  pensions  of  these  particu- 
lar persons.  (Hear,  hear.) 

With  regard  to  the  future  Judges  we  hold  the  matter  to 
be  more  simple.  We  propose  to  provide  that  they  should 
hold  office  during  good  behavior,  that  their  salaries — these 
are  the  superior  Judges  alone — should  be  charged  on  the 
Irish  Consolidated  Fund,  that  they  shall  be  removable  only 
on  a joint  address  from  the  two  orders  of  the  legislative 
body,  and  that  they  should  be  appointed  under  the  influ- 
ence, as  a general  rule,  of  the  responsible  Irish  Government. 
(“  Hear,  hear,”  from  the  Home  Rule  members.)  There 
is  an  exception  which  we  propose  to  make  in  regard  to  the 
Court  of  Exchequer,  which  is  a Court  of  Revenue  Pleas.  I 
will  not  enter  into  any  details  now,  but  the  enormous  finan- 
cial relations  which  will  subsist  between  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  if  our  measure  be  carried,  made  us  feel,  for  reasons 
which  I shall  perhaps  on  another  occasion  more  fully  ex- 
plain, that  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  keep  a certain  amount 
of  hold  on  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  or,  at  least,  on  two  of 
its  members;  but  the  general  rule  of  our  measure  will  be 
that  the  action  of  the  Judges  will  pass  under  the  new  Irish 
Executive,  and  will  rest  with  them,  just  as  it  rested  with 
the  old  Irish  Executive.  I must  now  say  a few  words  on 
the  important  subject  of  the  Irish  Constabulary.  (Hear, 
hear.)  The  substance  of  those  words  really  amounts  to  this 
— that  I think  there  remains  much  for  consideration  in  order 
to  devise  the  details  of  a good  and  prudent  system;  but  we 
think  it  our  first  duty  to  give  a distinct  assurance  to  the 
present  members  of  that  distinguished  and  admirable  force 
that  their  condition  will  not  be  put  to  prejudice  by  this 
Act,  either  in  respect  of  their  terms  of  office,  of  service,  or 
with  regard  to  the  authority  under  which  they  are  em- 
ployed. "I'he  case  of  the  Hiiblin  police  is  not  quite  the 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAl^  SPEECH, 


243 


same,  but  we  propose  the  same  conditions  with  regard  to 
the  Dublin  police^  as  far,  at  least,  as  the  terms  of  service 
are  concerned. 

With  regard  to  the  local  police  I will  say  nothing, 
because  I do  not  want  at  present  to  anticipate  what  may  be 
matter  hereafter  for  free  consideration  or  discussion,  or  for 
the  action  of  the  Irish  legislative  body.  There  will  be  no 
breach  of  continuity  in  the  administration*  with  regard  to  the 
police.  One  thing  I cannot  omit  to  say.  The  constabu- 
lary, as  I have  said,  is  an  admirable  force,  and  I do  not  in- 
tend to  qualify  in  the  smallest  degree  what  I have  already 
said;  but  the  constabulary  on  its  present  footing  exhibits  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  instances  of  waste  of  treasure  and  of 
enormous  expense,  not  with  good  results,  but  with  unhappy 
results  (Home  Rule  cheers),  with  which  and  under  which 
the  civil  government  and  the  general  government  of  Ireland 
have  hitherto  been  carried  on.  The  total  charge  of  the 
constabulary  amounts  to  a million  and  a half,  including  the 
Dublin  police.  Now,  Ireland  is  a cheaper  country  than 
England,  and  if  the  service  were  founded  on  the  same 
principle  and  organized  in  the  same  manner,  it  ought,  per 
thousand  of  the  population,  to  be  cheaper  in  Ireland  than 
in  England,  assuming  Ireland  to  be  in  a normal  condition; 
and  our  object  is  to  bring  it  into  normal  condition. 
(Home  Rule  cheers.)  Now  the  House  will  perhaps  be  sur- 
prised when  I tell  them  this.  The  present  constabulary  of 
Ireland  cost  £1,500,000  a year,  every  penny  of  it  now  paid 
out  of  the  British  Exchequer.  If  the  police  of  Ireland  were 
organized  upon  the  same  principles  and  on  the  same  terms 
as  the  police  in  England,  instead  of  costing  £1,500,000,  it 
would  cost  £600,000  a year.  That  will  convey  to  the 
House  an  idea,  first,  of  the  enormous  charge  at  which  we 
have  been  governing  Ireland  under  our  present  system; 
and,  secondly,  of  the  vast  field  for  judicious  reductions 
which  the  system  I am  now  proposing  ought  to  offer  to  the 


244 


THE  STOR  y OF  IRELAND, 


Irish  people.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  I anticipate  a vast 
reduction,  both  in  the  force  and  in  the  expenditure.  The 
charge  is  now  a million  and  a half.  We  propose  that  the 
Consolidated  Fund  of  Great  Britain — this  subject  I shall 
revert  to  in  the  financial  statement  which  I shall  have  to 
put  before  the  House — shall  for  a time  relieve  the  Irish 
legislative  body  of  all  expenditure  in  excess  of  a million.  I 
am  bound  to  say  that  I do  not  look  upon  a million  as  the 
proper  charge  to  be  imposed  on  Ireland.  I am  perfectly 
convinced,  however,  that  the  charge  will  be  reduced  to  a 
much  smaller  sum,  of  which  Ireland,  of  course,  will  reap  the 
benefit.  After  two  years  the  legislative  body  may  fix  the 
charge  for  the  whole  police  and  for  the  constabulary  of 
Ireland,  with  a saving  of  existing  rights.  One  thing  I must 
say.  We  have  no  desire  to  exempt  the  police  of  Ireland 
in  its  final  form  from  the  ultimate  control  of  the  legislative 
body.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  We  have  no  jealousies  on  the 
subject;  and  I own  I have  a strong  personal  opinion  that 
when  once  the  recollection  of  the  old  antipathies  has  been 
effectually  abated,  the  care  of  providing  for  the  ordinary 
security  of  life  and  property  of  the  citizens  will  be  regarded 
as  the  very  first  duty  of  any  good  local  Government. 
(Home  Rule  cheers.) 

Speaking  of  the  Civil  Service  generally (The  Chan- 

cellor of  the  Exchequer  here  whispered  something  to  the 
right  hon.  gentleman.)  I thought  it  would  be  understood 
from  what  I have  stated  that  the  constabulary  would  remain 
under  the  present  terms  of  service  and  under  the  present 
authority,  although  I do  not  say  that  this  is  to  be  so  for 
ever.  Assuming  control  over  the  charge,  that  control  will 
be  prospective  and  will  not  import  any  injury  to  existing 
rights.  With  respect  to  the  Civil  Service,  of  course  the 
future  Civil  Service  of  the  country  generally  will  be  ab- 
solutely under  the  legislative  body.  With  respect  to  the 
present  Civil  Service,  their  case  was  exactly  analogous  either 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH, 


245 


to  the  constabulary  or  the  judicial  offices,  and  yet  it  is  a 
great  transition,  and  moreover  it  will  without  doubt  be  the 
desire  of  the  legislative  body  of  Ireland  forthwith,  or  very 
early,  to  effect  a great  economy  in  the  establishment. 
(Hear,  hear.)  We  have,  therefore,  considered  to  some 
extent  in  what  way  we  can  at  once  provide  what  is  just  for 
the  civil  servants  of  Ireland,  and  at  the  same  time  set  free 
the  hands  of  the  legislative  body  to  proceed  in  this  salutary 
work  of  economy  and  retrenchment.  (Hear,  hear.)  Our 
opinion  is  that,  upon  the  whole,  it  will  be  wise  in  the  joint 
interests  of  both  to  authorize  the  civil  servants  now  serving 
to  claim  the  gratuity  or  pension  which  would  be  due  to  them 
upon  the  abolition  of  their  offices,  provided  they  shall  serve 
not  less  than  two  years  to  prevent  an  inconvenient  lapse  in 
the  practical  business  of  the  country,  and  at  the  close  of 
those  two  years  both  parties  would  be  free  to  negotiate 
afresh,  the  civil  servants  not  being  bound  to  remain  and  the 
legislative  body  not  being  in  any  way  bound  to  continue  to 
employ  them.  (Hear,  hear.)  That  is  all  I have  to  say 
upon  the  subject  of  the  new  Irish  Constitution.  I am 
afraid  I have  still  many  subjects  on  which  I have  some 
details  to  show,  and  I fear  I have  detained  the  House. 
(Loud  cheers.)  I have  now.  Sir,  to  give  a practical  exposi- 
tion of  the  phrase  which  I have  used  that  we  looked  upon 
it  as  on  essential  condition  of  our  plan  that  there  should  be 
an  equitable  distribution  of  Imperial  charges.  The  mean- 
ing of  that  is.  What  proportion  shall  Ireland  pay  ? I must 
remind  gentlemen  before  I enter  upon  the  next  explanation 
that  the  proportion  to  be  paid  is  not  the  only  thing  to  be 
considered;  you  have  to  consider  the  basis  upon  which  that 
proportionate  payment  is  to  be  applied.  Looking  upon  the 
proportionate  payment  we  now  stand  thus. 

At  the  time  of  the  Union  it  was  intended  that  Ireland 
should  pay  2-i7ths.  or  in  the  relation  of  i to  7^  out  of  the 
total  charge  of  the  United  Kingdom.  The  actual  true 


246 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


payment  now  made  by  the  Irish  taxpayer — and  then  there 
is  an  important  statement  I have  to  make — the  actual  and 
true  payment  now  made  by  the  Irish  taxpayer  is  not  i to 
7^,  but  something  under  i to  12,  or  about  i to  ii^ — that  is 
the  total  expenditure.  The  proposal  I make  is  that  the 
proportion  chargeable  to  Ireland  shall  be  i to  14,  or  i-i5th 
(a  Home  Rule  Member. — Too  much),  but  that  will  not 
be  understood  until  I come  to  join  it  with  other  particulars. 
I will  look,  however,  Sir,  a little  to  the  question  what  are 
the  best  tests  of  capacity  to  pay.  Many  of  these  tests  have 
been  suggested — one  of  them  is  the  income-tax,  which  I 
conceive  to  be  a very  imperfect  indication.  (Hear,  hear.) 
The  income-tax,  I believe,  would  give  a proportion  not  of 
I to  14,  but  of  I to  19.  This  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  if  you 
have  regard  to  the  income-tax,  that  while,  on  the  one  hand, 
it  is  paid  in  Ireland  upon  a lower  valuation  than  in  England 
or  in  Scotland — because,  as  we  all  know,  in  England  Schedule 
A is  levied  on  the  full  rent — it  is  also  unquestionable  that 
many  Irishmen  also  hold  securities  upon  which  dividends 
are  received  in  London  and  pay  the  tax  I hope  (laughter) 
before  the  dividends  come  into  the  hands  of  the  persons  en- 
titled to  them.  Therefore  it  is  almost  a certainty  that  a 
considerable  sum  ought  to  be  added  to  the  Irish  income-tax, 
which  would  raise  it  from  the  proportion  of  i to  19  to  per- 
haps I to  17. 

But  there  are  two  other  tests  which  I consider  far  superior 
to  the  income  tax.  One  is  the  test  afforded  us  by  the  death 
duties,  not  by  the  amount  levied,  because  the  amounts 
levied  vary  capriciously  according  to  the  consanguinity  scale, 
but  by  the  property  passing  under  the  death  duties.  The 
amount  of  property  on  which  on  an  average  of  three  years 
the  death  duties  fell  was  in  Great  Britain  £170,000,000,  and 
for  Ireland  £12,908,000,  or  i to  13.  I have  taken  three 
years,  because  they  represent  the  period  since  we  entered 
upon  a somewhat  new  administration  of  the  death  duties — 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH, 


247 


by  far  the  best  basis  of  comparison.  It  is  when  we  come 
to  the  valuation,  inasmuch  as  Ireland  is  valued  much  lower 
in  proportion  to  the  real  value  than  England  and  Scotland 
— it  is  here  that  the  valuation  in  the  latest  year  for  which 
we  have  returns  is  in  Great  Britain  £166,000,000,  and  for 
Ireland  £13,833,000,  giving  a proportion  of  i to  12,  or 
i-i3th.  Under  these  circumstances,  what  ought  we  to  do? 
In  my  opinion  we  ought  to  make  for  Ireland  an  equitable 
arrangement,  and  I think  that  when  you  propose  to  assume 
the  proportion  of  i-iqth,  it  will  be  seen  that  that  is  an  equi- 
table or  even  generous  arrangement,  after  I have  mentioned 
three  considerations.  The  first  of  these  considerations  is 
that  if  we  start  an  Irish  legislative  body,  we  must  start  it 
with  some  balance  to  its  credit.  (Home  Rule  cheers  and 
laughter).  But  if  we  are  to  start  it  with  a balance  to  its 
credit,  I know  of  no  way  except  the  solitary  £20,000  a year 
which  still  remains  to  be  worked  out  of  the  Church  surplus 
(laughter),  after  all  demands  made  upon  it.  I know  of  no 
way  of  honestly  manufacturing  that  balance  except  by  carv- 
ing it  out  of  the  Budget  for  the  coming  year,  and  providing 
for  the  sum  at  the  expense,  as  it  will  then  be,  not  of  the 
Irish  Exchequer  exclusively,  but  at  the  expense  of  the 
British  and  Scotch  taxpayers.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  That 
is  one  consideration;  the  second  consideration  is  this.  I 
take  this  i to  14  or  i-i5th  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
what  share  Ireland  is  to  pay  to  the  Imperial  expenditure. 
But  when  I said  that  Ireland  now  pays  i to  ii^or  i to  12-J- 
of  the  Imperial  expenditure,  I meant  the  amount  of  the 
whole  gross  Imperial  expenditure;  and  when  I say  that  we 
shall  ask  her  to  pay  i-i5th  of  the  Imperial  expenditure  in 
the  future,  that  is  an  Imperial  expenditure  materially  cut 
down.  For,  upon  consideration,  it  has  been  thought  right 
in  computing  the  military  expenditure  to  exclude  from  it 
altogether  what  ought  strictly  to  be  called  war  charges.  We 
do  not  propose  to  assume,  in  fixing  the  future  Imperial 


248 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


contribution  of  Ireland,  to  base  that  calculation  on  the  sup- 
position of  her  sharing  in  charges  analogous,  for  example, 
to  the  vote  of  credit  for  ii  millions  last  year.  Therefore, 
this  proportion  of  i-i5th  is  to  be  applied  to  a scale  of 
Imperial  expenditure  materially  reduced. 

But,  Sir,  there  is  another  consideration  which  I think  it 
right  to  mention.  It  is  this — that  this  Imperial  contribu- 
tion would  be  paid  by  Ireland  out  of  a fund  composed  in 
the  first  instance  of  the  entire  receipts  paid  into  the  Irish 
Exchequer;  but  that.  Sir,  is  not  a true  test  of  the  amount 
of  taxation  paid  by  Ireland.  There  are  goods  which  pay 
duty  in  England,  and  which  are  exported,  duty  paid,  to 
Ireland,  which  are  consumed  in  Ireland,  and  upon  which, 
therefore,  the  duty  is  really  paid  by  Irishmen,  while  the 
receipts  go  into  the  Imperial  Exchequer.  But  there  is  not 
only  a corresponding  movement  the  other  way,  but  there  is 
a movement  very  much  larger  and  more  important.  More 
than  one  million  of  duty,  I think  £1,030,000,  is  paid  upon 
spirits  in  Ireland  that  are  exported  to  Great  Britain.  Every 
shilling  of  that  duty  is  really  paid  by  the  Englishman  and 
the  Scotchman;  but  at  the  same  time  the  whole  receipts  go 
into  the  Irish  Exchequer.  The  same  thing  holds  with 
respect  to  the  porter  brewed  in  Ireland.  The  same  thing 
holds  with  regard  to  the  very  considerable  manufacture  of 
tobacco  carried  on  in  Ireland.  We  have  made  it  the  object 
of  our  J)est  efforts  to  ascertain  how  much  money  Ireland 
loses  to  England  by  the  process  which  I have  described — 
and  which  I have  no  doubt  is  accurately  understood  by  all 
members  of  the  House — how  much  money  Ireland  loses  to 
Great  Britain  by  the  flow  of  duty-paid  commodities  from 
Great  Britain  to  Ireland;  and  how  much  Great  Britain  loses 
to  Ireland  from  the  flow  of  such  commodities  from  Ireland 
to  Great  1 Britain. 

The  result  of  this  investigation  is — I state  it  with  confid- 
ence, not  actually  as  if  it  were  to  be  demonstrated  in  every 


GLADSTONE' S GREAT  SPEECH, 


249 


point  by  Parliamentary  returns,  but  I state  it  as  a matter 
of  certainty  with  regard  to  a far  greater  portion  of  the  sum 
and  as  a matter  certainly  subject  to  very  little  doubt — that 
the  Irish  receipt  gains  from  Great  Britain  by  the  process  I 
have  described  more  than  Great  Britain  gains  from  Ireland, 
and  more  to  no  less  an  amount  than  ^^1^400,000,  paid  by 
the  British  taxpayer  and  forming  part  of  the  Irish  receipts. 
If  you  maintain  the  fiscal  unity  of  the  Empire,  if  you  do 
not  erect — which  I trust  you  will  not  erect — Custom-houses 
between  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  (cheers),  if  you  let  things 
take  their  natural  course  according  to  the  ordinary  and  natu- 
ral movement  of  trade,  ;^i,4oo,ooo  will  be  paid  to  the  benefit 
of  Ireland  as  a charge  upon  the  English  and  Scotch  taxpayer, 
and  will  form  a portion  of  the  fund  out  of  which  Ireland 
will  defray  the  Imperial  contribution  which  we  propose  to 
levy  upon  her.  If  this  amount  of  Imperial  contribution  to 
be  paid  by  Ireland,  which  I have  described  as  one-four- 
teenth, comes  to  be  reduced  by  subtracting  this  sum  of 
;^i,4oo,ooo,  the  portion  which  Ireland  will  have  to  pay  will 
be,  not  one-fourteenth,  but  a fraction  under  one  twenty-sixth. 
That  is  a very  great  change.  It  is  a benefit  she  gets,  not 
only  in  the  state  of  the  law,  but  owing  to  the  course  of 
trade.  We  cannot  take  it  away  without  breaking  up  the 
present  absolute  freedom  between  the  two  countries.  I 
hope  this  will  be  borne  in  mind  by  those  who  think  this 
charge  of  one-fourteenth  is  a heavy  charge  to  be  thrown 
upon  Ireland;  and  by  those  who  think,  as  I certainly  do, 
that  in  a case  of  this  kind  after  all  that  has  occurred  when 
two  countries  are  very  strong  and  very  rich  compared  with 
a third  of  far  more  restricted  means,  the  pecuniary  arrange- 
ment ought  to  be  equitable  and  even  bountiful  in  some 
moderate  degree.  It  will  be  interesting  to  the  House  to 
know  what  payment  per  capita  the  plan  I have  described  will 
allot  to  the  Irishmen  and  to  the  Briton  respectively — I use 
the  word  “ Briton  because  I know  that  it  will  gratify  my 


250 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


friends  from  Scotland.  (Laughter.)  The  incidence  of  this 
plan  per  capita  I will  state  as  follows:  In  the  first  place,  if 
I were  to  take  the  present  contribution  of  Ireland  to  the 
entire  expenditure  of  the  country  according  to  the  receipts 
into  the  two  Exchequers,  the  inhabitant  in  Great  Britain 
pays  J[^2  los.  per  capita  and  the  inhabitant  in  Ireland 
13s.  yd.  That  is  obviously  and  inequitably  high  for 
Ireland.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  But  if  I take  the  real  pay- 
ment of  the  Irish  taxpayer  and  compare  that  with  the  real 
payment  of  the  English  taxpayer,  it  will  follow  that  the 
English  payment  is  ^2  los.  iid.,  as  against  ;^i.  7s.  lod. 
of  Ireland,  which  is  certainly  a more  equitable  proportion. 
(Hear,  hear.) 

Now  I pass  to  the  basis  of  one-fourteenth  or  one-fifteenth. 
This  is  not  founded  upon  the  total  expenditure  of  the  country, 
but  upon  what  we  are  about  to  reckon  as  Imperial  expendi- 
ture, and  the  respective  contribution  per  capita  will  be  for 
Great  Britain  los.  iid.,  and  for  Ireland  13s.  5d.,  and  I 
do  not  think  that  that  is  an  inequitable  arrangement.  I wish 
to  show  exactly  what  alterations  we  propose  to  make.  Under 
the  proportion  now  proposed  Ireland  will  pay  13s.  5d., 
while,  if  the  present  proportion  were  maintained,  she  would 
pay  i6s.  lod.,  which  will  be  a very  considerable  diminution 
in  the  amount  of  her  contribution  per  capita.  I will  state 
only  one  other  striking  fact  with  regard  to  the  Irish  ex- 
penditure. The  House  would  like  to  know  what  an  amount 
has  been  going  on — and  which  at  this  moment  is  going  on — 
of  what  I must  call  not  only  a waste  of  public  money  but  a 
demoralizing  waste  of  public  money,  demoralizing  in  its 
influence  upon  both  countries.  (Cheers.)  The  civil  charges 
per  capita  at  this  moment  are  in  Great  Britain  8s.  2d.  and 
in  Ireland  i6s.  They  have  increased  in  Ireland  in  the 
last  15  years  by  653  per  cent.,  and  my  belief  is  that  if  the 
present  legislative  and  administrative  systems  be  maintained 
you  must  make  up  your  minds  to  a continued  never-ending 


GLADSTONE'S  GREA  T SPEECH. 


251 


and  never-to-be-limited  augmentation.  The  amount  of  the 
Irish  contribution  upon  the  basis  I have  described  would  be 
as  follows: — One-fifteenth  of  the  annual  debt  charge  of 
;^22, 000,000  would  be  ;;^i, 466,000,  one-fifteenth  of  the 
Army  and  Navy  charge,  after  excluding  what  we  call  war 
votes,  and  also  excluding  the  charges  for  Volunteers  and 
Yeomanry,  would  be  ;^i,666,ooo,  and  the  amount  of  the 
civil  charges,  which  are  properly  considered  Imperial,  would 
entail  upon  Ireland  10,000,  or  a total  charge  properly 
Imperial  of  ;^3,242,ooo. 

I am  now  ready  to  present  what  I may  call  an  Irish  Bud- 
get (laughter),  a debtor  and  creditor  account  of  the  Irish 
Exchequer.  The  customs  produced  in  Ireland  a gross 
sum  of  880, 000,  the  excise  ;^4,3oo,ooo,  the  stamps 
;^6oo,ooo,  the  income-tax  ;^SSo,ooo  and  non-taxed  revenue 
including  the  Post  Office,  020, 000.  And,  perhaps, 
here  again  I ought  to  mention  as  an  instance  of  the  de- 
moralizing waste  which  now  attends  the  Irish  administration, 
that  which  will  perhaps  surprise  the  House  to  know — namely, 
that  while  in  England  and  Scotland  we  levy  from  the  Post 
Office  and  Telegraph  systems  a large  surplus  income,  in 
Ireland  the  Post  Office  and  the  Telegraph,  just  pay  their 
expenses,  or  leave  a surplus  so  small  as  not  to  be  worth 
mentioning.  I call  that  a very  demoralizing  way  of  spend- 
ing money.  (Cheers.)  Although  I believe  that  there  is  no 
purer  department  in  the  country  than  the  Post  Office,  yet 
the  practical  effect  of  our  method  of  administering  the  Irish 
Post  Office  by  influences  known  to  be  English  and  not  Irish 
leads  to  a vast  amount  of  unnecessary  expenditure.  The 
total  receipts  of  the  Irish  Exchequer  are  thus  shown  to 
amount  to  ^2^8, 35 0,000,  and  against  that  I have  to  place 
an  Imperial  contribution  which  I may  call  permanent, 
because  it  will  last  for  a great  number  of  years,  of 
;^3, 242,000.  I put  down  ;;^i,ooo,ooo  for  the  constabulary, 
because  that  would  be  a first  charge,  although  I hope  that 


252 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


it  will  soon  come  under  very  effective  reduction.  I put 
down  ^2,510,000  for  the  other  civil  charges  in  Ireland, 
and  there,  again,  I have  not  the  smallest  doubt  that  charge 
will  likewise  be  very  effectually  reduced  by  an  Irish 
Government.  Finally,  the  collection  of  revenue  is  ^834,000 
making  a total  charge  thus  far  of  ^1,786,000.  Then  we 
have  thought  it  essential  to  include  in  this  arrangement,  not 
only  for  our  own  sakes,  but  for  the  sake  of  Ireland  also,  a 
payment  on  account  of  the  Sinking  Fund  against  the  Irish 
portion  of  the  National  Debt.  The  Sinking  Fund  is  now 
paid  for  the  whole  National  Debt.  We  have  now  got  to 
allot  a certain  portion  of  that  debt  to  Ireland.  We  think 
it  necessary  to  maintain  that  Sinking  Fund,  and  especially 
for  the  interest  of  Ireland.  When  Ireland  gets  the  manage- 
ment of  her  own  affairs,  I venture  to  prophecy  that  she  will 
want,  for  useful  purposes,  to  borrow  money.  Hear, 
hear,’’  and  laughter.)  But  the  difficulty  of  that  operation 
will  be  enormously  higher  or  lower  according  to  the  condi- 
tion of  her  public  credit.  (Hear,  hear.)  Her  public  credit 
is  not  yet  born.  It  has  yet  to  lie  like  an  infant  in  the  cradle 
and  it  may  require  a good  deal  of  nursing  (laughter),  but 
no  nursing  would  be  effectual  unless  it  were  plain  and  palpa- 
ble to  the  eye  of  the  whole  world  that  Ireland  had  provision 
in  actual  working  order  for  discharging  her  old  obligations, 
so  as  to  make  it  safe  for  her  to  contract  new  obligations. 
(Hear,  hear.)  I therefore  put  down  three-quarters  of  a 
million  for  sinking  fund.  That  makes  the  total  charge 
;i^7, 946,000,  against  a total  income  of  ;^8,35o,ooo,  or  a 
surplus  of  ;^404,ooo. 

The  House  has  heard  me  with  astonishing  patience  (loud 
and  continued  cheers)  while  I have  endeavoured  to  perform 
what  I knew  must  prove  an  almost  interminable  task.  There 
is  only  one  subject  more  on  which  I feel  it  still  necessary 
to  detain  the  House.  It  is  commonly  said  in  England  and 
Scotland — and  in  the  main  it  is,  I think,  truly  said — that 


GLADSTONE'S  GREA  T SPEECH, 


253 


we  have  for  a great  number  of  years  been  struggling  to  pass 
good  laws  for  Ireland.  We  have  sacrificed  our  time,  we 
have  neglected  our  own  business,  we  have  advanced  our 
money,  which  I do  not  think  at  all  a great  favor  conferred 
on  her,  and  all  this  in  the  endeavour  to  give  Ireland  good 
laws.  That  is  quite  true  in  regard  to  the  general  course 
of  legislation  since  1869.  But  many  of  those  laws  have 
been  passed  under  influences  which  I can  hardly  describe 
otherwise  than  as  influences  of  fear.  (Hear,  hear.)  Some 
of  our  laws  have  been  passed  in  a spirit  of  grudging  and  of 
jealousy.  It  is  most  painful  for  me  to  consider  that  after 
four  or  five  years  of  Parliamentary  battle,  when  a Municipal 
Corporation  Act  was  passed  for  Ireland  it  was  a very  differ- 
ent measure  to  that  which  in  England  and  Scotland  created 
complete  and  absolute  municipal  life.  (Hear,  hear.)  Were 
I to  come  to  the  history  of  the  land  question  I could  tell  a 
still  sadder  tale.  (Hear,  hear.)  Let  no  man  assume  that 
he  fully  knows  that  history  until  he  has  followed  it  from 
year  to  year,  beginning  with  the  Devon  Commission  or  with 
the  efforts  of  Mr.  Sherman  Crawford,  the  appointment  of 
which  Commission  adds,  in  my  opinion,  higher  honor  to 
the  memory  of  Sir  Robert  Peel.  Then  notice  the  mode  in 
which  the  whole  labours  of  that  Commission  were  frustrated 
by  the  domination  of  selfish  interests  in  the  British  Parlia- 
ment. (Hear,  hear.)  Our  first  effort  at  land  legislation 
was  delayed  until  so  late  a period  as  the  year  1870. 

I take  this  opportunity  of  remarking  that  sound  views  on 
the  land  question  were  not  always  confined  to  Irish  members 
nor  to  the  Liberal  side  of  this  House.  The  late  Mr.  Napier, 
who  became  Lord  Chancellor  of  Ireland,  when  he  sat  in 
this  House  for  the  academical  constituency  of  Dublin, 
developed  with  greater  earnestness  tru(y  liberal  view5  on 
the  subject  of  Irish  land,  and  made  generous  efforts  in  that 
direction  (hear,  hear)  — efforts  which  were,  however,  in- 
tercepted. But,  Sir,  I do  not  deny  the  general  good  inten- 


254 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


dons  of  Parliament  on  a variety  of  great  and  conspicuous 
occasions,  and  its  desire  to  pass  good  laws  for  Ireland.  But 
let  me  say  that  in  order  to  work  out  the  purposes  of  govern- 
ment there  is  something  more  in  this  world  occasionally 
required  than  even  the  passing  of  good  laws.  (Hear,  hear.) 
It  is  sometimes  requisite  not  only  that  good  laws  should  be 
passed,  but  also  that  they  should  be  passed  by  the  proper 
persons.  (Hear,  hear).  The  passing  of  many  good  laws 
is  not  enough  in  cases  where  the  strong  permanent  instincts 
of  the  people,  their  distinctive  marks  of  character,  the  situa- 
tion and  character  of  the  country  require  not  only  that  these 
laws  should  be  good,  but  that  they  should  proceed  from  a 
congenial  and  native  source,  and  besides  being  good  laws 
should  be  their  own  laws.  (Loud  Home  Rule  cheers.) 
In  former  times  it  might  have  been  doubted,  I have  my- 
self doubted  whether  this  instinct  had  been  thus  developed 
in  Ireland.  If  such  doubts  could  be  entertained  before  the 
last  general  election  they  cannot  now.  (Hear,  hear.)  The 
principle  that  I am  laying  down  I am  not  laying  down  ex- 
ceptionally for  Ireland.  It  is  the  very  principle  upon  which, 
within  my  recollection,  to  the  immense  advantage  of  the 
country,  we  have  not  only  altered  but  revolutionized  our 
method  of  governing  the  colonies.  (Hear,  hear).  I had 
the  honour  to  hold  office  in  the  Colonial  Department — 
perhaps  I ought  to  be  ashamed  to  confess  it — 51  years  ago. 
(Cheers.) 

At  that  time  the  colonies  were  governed  from  Downing- 
street.  It  is  true  that  some  of  them  had  legislative  assem- 
blies, but  with  these  we  were  always  in  conflict.  We  were 
always  fed  with  information  by  what  was  termed  the  British 
party  in  these  colonies.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  A clique 
of  gentlemen  constituted  themselves  the  British  party;  and 
the  non -British  party,  which  was  sometimes  called  the  “dis- 
loyal party"  was  composed  of  the  enormous  majority  of 
the  population.  (Home  Rule  cheers.)  We  had  conflicts 


GLADSTONE'S  GREAT  SPEECH, 


255 


and  debates  All  that  has  changed.  (Hear,  hear.) 
England  tried  to  pass  good  laws  for  the  colonies  at  that 
period,  but  the  colonies  said,  ‘‘We  do  not  want  your  good 
laws;  we  want  our  own.’'  (Cheers.)  We  admitted  the 
reasonableness  of  that  principle,  and  it  is  now  coming  home 
to  us  from  across  the  seas.  We  have  to  consider  whether 
it  is  applicable  to  the  case  of  Ireland.  Do  not  let  us 
disguise  this  from  ourselves.  We  stand  face  to  face  with 
what  is  termed  Irish  nationality.  (Home  Rule  cheers.) 
Irish  nationality  puts  in  a demand  for  separate  and  com- 
plete self-government  in  Ireland  and  not  in  Imperial  affairs. 
Is  this  an  evil  in  itself?  Is  it  a thing  that  we  should  view 
with  horror  or  apprehension  ? Is  it  a thing  which  we  ought 
to  reject  or  accept,  or  ought  we  to  wait  until  some  painful 
and  sad  necessity  is  incumbent  upon  the  country,  like  the 
necessity  of  1780  or  the  necessity  of  1793  ? Sir,  I hold  that 
it  is  not.  (Cheers.)  There  is  a saying  of  Mr.  Grattan’s,  who 
was  indeed  a fiery  and  fervid  orator,  but  he  was  more  than 
that,  he  was  a statesman  (Home  Rule  cheers) — his  aphor- 
isms are  in  my  opinion  weighty,  and  even  profound,  and 
I commend  them  to  the  careful  reflection  and  examination 
of  the  country — when  he  was  deprecating  the  surrender  of 
the  Irish  Parliament  and  pointing  out  that  its  existence  did 
not  prevent  the  perfect  union  of  the  two  countries,  he  re- 
marked, “The  Channel  is  your  union,  the  ocean  forbids 
separation.”  (Cheers.)  Is  that  channel  nothing?  Do 
what  you  will,  can  you  make  that  channel  to  cease  to  exist, 
or  as  if  it  were  not  ? What  influence  have  these  few  60 
miles  of  channel  exercised  upon  the  whole  history,  the 
whole  development,  and  the  whole  national  character? 
These,  Sir,  are  great  facts. 

I hold  that  there  is  such  a thing  as  local  patriotism, 
which  in  itself  is  not  bad,  but  good.  (Hear,  hear)  The 
Welshman  is  full  of  local  patriotism — the  Scotchman  is  full 
of  local  patriotism;  the  Scotch  nationality  is  as  strong  as  it 


25G 


T^IE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


ever  was,  and  should  the  occasion  arise — which  I believe 
it  never  can — it  will  be  as  ready  to  assert  itself  as  in  the  days 
of  old.  I do  not  believe  that  local  patriotism  is  an  evil.  I 
believe  it  is  stronger  in  Ireland  even  than  in  Scotland. 
Englishmen  are  eminently  English,  Scotchmen  are  pro- 
foundly Scotch,  and,  if  I read  Irish  history  aright,  misfor- 
tune and  calamity  have  wedded  her  sons  to  her  soil.  The 
Irishman  is  more  profoundly  Irish,  but  it  does  not  follow 
that  because  his  -local  patriotism  is  keen  he  is  incapable  of 
Imperial  patriotism.  There  are  two  modes  of  presenting 
the  subject.  The  one  is  to  present  what  we  now  recom- 
mend as  good,  and  the  other  as  a choice  of  evils.  Well, 
Sir,  I have  argued  the  matter  as  if  it  were  a choice  of  evils; 
have  recognized  as  facts  entitled  to  attention  the  jealousies 
which  I do  not  share  or  feel,  and  I have  argued  it  on  that 
ground  as  the  only  ground  on  which  it  can  be  argued,  not 
only  in  a mixed  auditory,  but  in  the  public  mind  and  in  the 
country,  which  cannot  give  a minute  investigation  to  the 
operations  of  that  complicated  question.  But  in  my  own 
heart  I cherished  the  hope  that  this  is  not  merely  the 
choice  of  the  lesser  evil,  but  may  prove  to  be  rather  a good 
in  itself.  (Home  Rule  cheers.) 

What  is  the  answer  to  this  ? It  is  only  to  be  found  in  the 
view  which  rests  upon  the  basis  of  despair  and  of  absolute 
condemnation  of  Ireland  and  Irishmen  as  exceptions  to  the 
beneficent  provisions  which  enable  men  in  general,  and 
Europeans  in  particular,  and  Americans,  to  be  capable  of 
performing  civil  duties,  and  which  considers  an  Irishman 
either  as  a lusus  7iaturce.  or  one  for  whom  justice,  common 
sense,  moderation,  and  national  prosperity  have  no  meaning, 
and  who  could  only  understand  and  appreciate  perpetual 
strife  and  dissension.  Well,  Sir,  I am  not  going  to  argue 
that  view,  which  to  my  mind  is  founded  on  a monstrous 
misconception.  (Hear,  hear.)  I say  that  the  Irishman  is 
as  capable  of  loyalty  as  another  man — I say  that  if  his 


GLADSTONE ’ ^ GREA  T SPEECH.  257 

loyalty  has  been  checked  in  its  development,  why  is  it? 
Because  the  laws  by  which  he  is  governed  do  not  present 
themselves  to  him  as  they  do  to  us  in  England  and  Scot- 
land, with  a native  and  congenial  aspect,  and  I think  I can 
refer  to  two  illustrations  to  support  the  doctrine  I have 
advanced.  Take  the  case  of  the  Irish  soldier  and  of  the 
Irish  constabulary.  Have  you  a braver  or  more  loyal  man 
in  your  Army  than  the  Irishman,  who  has  shared  every 
danger  with  his  Scotch  and  English  comrades,  and  who  has 
never  been  behind  them  when  confronted  by  peril  at  the 
word  of  his  commander  and  for  the  sake  of  the  honour  and 
safety  of  his  Empire 

Compare  this  case  with  that  of  an  ordinary  Irishman  in 
Ireland.  He  has  voluntarily  placed  himself  under  military 
law,  which  is  to  him  a self-chosen  law,  and  he  is  exempted 
from  that  difficulty  which  works  upon  the  population  in  Ire- 
land— namely,  that  they  are  governed  by  a law  which  they 
do  not  feel  has  sprung  from  the  soil.  (Hear,  hear.)  Con- 
sider how  common  it  is  to  hear  the  observation  in  discussing 
the  circumstances  of  Ireland,  that  while  the  constabulary 
are  largely  taken  from  the  Roman  Catholic  population,  and 
from  the  very  class  most  open  to  disaffection  where  disaffec- 
tion exists,  they  form  a splendid  model  of  obedience,  dis- 
cipline, and  devotion  such  as  the  world  can  hardly  match. 
(Hear,  hear.)  How  is  this  ? It  is  because  they  have  under ^ 
taken  a voluntary  service  which  takes  them  completely  out 
of  the  category  of  ordinary  Irishmen.  They  are  placed 
under  an  authority  which  is  to  them  genial  because  freely 
accepted.  Their  loyalty  is  not  checked  by  the  causes  that 
operate  on  the  agricultural  population  of  Ireland.  It  has 
grown  as  freely  in  the  constabulary  and  in  the  army  as  if 
every  man  in  the  constabulary  and  every  Irish  soldier  had 
been  an  Englishman  or  a Scotchman.  (Hear,  hear.)  How- 
ever this  may  be,  we  are  sensible  that  we  have  taken  an 
important  decision  — our  choice  has  been  made.  (Loud 

17 


258 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE LA  HD. 


Home  Rule  cheers.)  It  has  not  been  made  without  thought; 
it  has  been  made  in  the  full  knowledge  that  trial  and  diffi- 
culty may  confront  us  on  our  path.  We  have  no  right  to 
say  that  Ireland  through  her  constitutionally-chosen  re- 
presentatives will  accept  the  plan  I offer.  Whether  it  will 
be  so  I do  not  know — I have  no  title  to  assume  it — but  if 
Ireland  does  not  cheerfully  accept  it  it  is  impossible  for  us 
to  attempt  to  force  upon  Ireland  what  is  intended  to  be  a 
boon;  nor  can  we  possibly  press  England  and  Scotland  to 
accord  to  Ireland  what  she  does  not  heartily  welcome  and 
embrace.  There  are  difficulties,  but  I rely  upon  the  patriot- 
ism and  sagacity  of  this  House;  I rely  on  the  effects  of 
free  and  full  discussion;  and  I rely  more  than  all  upon  the 
just  and  generous  sentiments  of  the  two  British  nations. 

Looking  forward,  I ask  the  House  to  assist  us  in  the  work 
that  we  have  undertaken,  and  to  believe  that  no  trivial 
motive  can  have  driven  us  to  it — to  assist  us  in  this  work 
which  we  believe  will  restore  Parliament  to  its  dignity,  and 
legislation  to  its  free  and  unimpeded  course.  I ask  you 
to  stay  that  waste  of  public  treasure  which  is  involved  in 
the  present  system  of  government  and  administration  in 
Ireland;  and  which  is  not  a waste  only,  but  which  demoral- 
izes what  it  exhausts.  I ask  you  to  show  to  Europe  and 
to  America  that  we  too  can  face  political  problems  which 
America  20  years  ago  faced,  and  which  many  countries  in 
Europe  have  been  called  upon  to  face  and  have  not  feared 
to  deal  with.  I ask  that  we  should  practice  that  we  have 
so  often  preached  (hear,  hear)  in  our  own  case  with  firm 
and  fearless  hand,  the  doctrine  which  we  have  so  often 
inculcated  upon  others — namely,  that  the  concession  of  local 
self-government  is  not  the  way  to  sap  or  impair  but  the  way 
to  strengthen  and  consolidate  unity.  I ask  that  we  should 
learn  to  rely  less  upon  merely  written  stipulations,  and  more 
upon  those  better  stipulations  which  are  written  on  the 
heart  and  mind  of  man.  I ask  that  we  should  apply  to 


GLADSTONE  'S  GREA  T SPEECH, 


259 


Ireland  that  happy  experience  which  we  have  gained  in 
England  and  in  Scotland,  where  the  course  of  generations 
has  now  taught  us,  not  as  a dream  or  a theory  but  as  practice 
and  as  life,  that  the  best  and  surest  foundation  we  can  find 
to  build  upon  is  the  foundation  afforded  by  the  affections, 
the  convictions,  and  the  will  of  the  nation;  and  it  is  thus 
by  the  decree  of  the  Almighty  far  more  than  by  any  other 
endeavour  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  secure  at  once  social 
peace,  the  fame,  power,  and  permanence  of  the  Empire. 
(Loud  and  prolonged  cheers.) 

The  right  hon.  gentleman  resumed  his  seat  at  8 o'clock, 
having  spoken  for  three  hours  hours  and  a half. 


mm 


SPEECH 

OF 

CHARLES  STEWART  PARNELL,  M.P., 

ON 

HOME  RULE, 


MONDAY,  JUNE  7,  1886. 


THE  GREAT  HOME  RULE  DEBATE. 


Mr.  GOSCHEN  opened  the  debate  on  the  second  read- 
ing of  the  Gladstone  Home  Rule  measure,  Mon- 
day, with  a speech  which  meant  that  the  integrity 
of  the  Empire,  threatened  by  Mr.  Gladstone's  policy,  should 
be  maintained  by  force.  He  admitted  that  he  did  not  ex- 
pect any  persecution  of  Protestants  in  Ireland,  and  he  be- 
lieved in  the  sincerity  of  the  Irish  members  on  this  point. 

MR.  PARNELL'S  SPEECH. 

Mr.  Parnell,  whose  rising  was  received  with  prolonged 
cheers,  said — Without  intending  to  offer  any  disrespect  to 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  (Mr.  Goschen),  I could  not  help 
thinking  when  listening  to  his  speech  that  in  all  the  lost 
causes  which  I have  seen  him  attempt  to  defend  (Home 
Rule  and  some  Ministerial  cheers)  during  many  years  past, 
he  was  never  so  little  effective  as  when  contending  against 
the  Bill  which  we  hope  to  see  read  a second  time  to-night 
(Home  Rule  cheers).  Sir,  the  right  hon.  gentleman  has 
sought,  I think  very  unfairly,  to  cast  a lurid  light  upon  the 
situation  by  an  allusion  to  those  unhappy  outrages  which 
have  been  occurring  in  Kerry  (hear,  hear  from  the  Home 
Rulers).  I join  the  right  hon.  gentleman  in  the  expression 
of  contempt  for  those  cowardly  and  disgraceful  practices 
(Home  Rule  cheers).  I join  him  to  the  fullest  extent. 
But,  sir,  neither  do  I say  because  evictions  have  been  more 
numerous  in  Kerry  than  in  all  the  rest  of  Munster  added 
together  (hear,  hear,  from  the  Home  Rulers)  during  months 
past,  that  that  fact  is  an  excuse  for  these  outrages,  or  is 
any  excuse  whatever  for  such  occurrences,  although  it  might 


264 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


supply  US  with  the  cause  for  them.  But  when  I denounce 
outrages,  I denounce  them,  sir,  in  all  parts  of  Ireland, 
(Home  Rule  cheers),  whether  they  occur  in  Ulster  or  in 
Kerry. 


Inflammatory  Speeches, 

The  right  hon.  gentleman  himself  is  certainly  free  from 
reproach  in  respect  of  this  matter.  He  has  not  joined 
the  noble  lord  the  member  for  South  Paddington  (Home 
Rule  cheers),  and  the  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for 
AVest  Birmingham  (loud  Home  Rule  cheers)  in  the  use  of 
reckless  language  with  reference  to  the  affairs  of  a country 
which  is  not  their  country — (renewed  Home  Rule  cheers) 
— an  interference  for  which  they  had  not  the  paltry  excuse 
that  it  was  any  business  of  theirs,  or  that  they  really  felt 
any  interest  in  it  (hear,  hear).  My  colleagues,  some  of 
them,  have  been  reproached  in  times  past  because  they  had 
not  been  very  careful  in  looking  into  what  might  be  the 
effect  of  their  language.  The  doctrine  of  indirect  re- 
sponsibility has  been  employed  against  many  of  them  to 
the  extent  of  imprisonment  (hear,  hear).  But  if  the 
doctrine  of  indirect  responsibility  had  been  employed 
against  the  noble  lord  the  member  for  South  Paddington 
and  the  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  West  Bir- 
mingham, the  former  might  have  pleaded  for  an  excuse  that 
as  he  believes  in  nobody  and  in  nothing  except  himself 
(laughter),  so  he  could  not  have  expected  any  great  impor- 
tance to  be  attached  to  his  declaration  (hear,  hear);  while 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  West  Birmingham 
might  have  said — and  said  very  truly — that  he  was  abso- 
lutely ignorant  of  all  the  circumstances  of  Ireland,  his  cele- 
brated projected  visit  to  that  country  last  autumn  not  having 
come  off  (laughter),  and  that  consequently  he  did  not  know 
what  would  come  of  his  language. 


265 


' THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 

The  Result  of  Incitements  to  Bigotry. 

However,  sir,  we  have  the  result  now  in  one  murder 
which  has  been  already  committed  in  Belfast  (“Hear, 
hear,’'  from  the  Home  Rulers),  and  I trust  that  in  future 
right  hon.  gentlemen  will  remember  that  the  importance  and 
the  gravity  of  occurrences  which  may  follow  in  Ulster — and 
these  occurrences  cannot  go  further  at  the  outside  than  out- 
rage and  assassination — will  depend  very  much  upon  what 
they  say  and  upon  the  amount  of  importance  that  they  give 
to  the  doings  of  Ulstermen  in  the  minds  of  these  people 
themselves  (hear,  hear).  Certainly,  sir,  I do  condemn 
these  occurrences  in  Kerry,  and  the  right  hon.  gentleman 
very  properly  said  they  must  be  put  a stop  to.  Well,  so 
say  we  all  (loud  Home  Rule  cheers).  The  right  hon.  gentle- 
man wants  to  put  a stop  to  them  by  resorting  to  the  old 
methods  of  coercion  which  he  and  his  friends  have  been 
using  for  the  last  eighty-six  years,  but  we  say  with  the  Prime 
Minister,  “try  the  effect  of  self-government”  (Home  Rule 
cheers),  and  if  Kerrymen  then  resort  to  outrage  they  will 
very  soon  find  that  the  rest  of  Ireland  will  soon  put  a stop 
to  these  outrages  (Home  Rule  cheers). 

How  THE  Quarrel  Arose. 

Before  I leave  the  terrible  occurrences  in  Belfast  *1  wish 
to  give  an  explanation,  because,  as  usual,  the  English  news- 
papers have  for  their  own  purposes  misrepresented  what 
took  place.  I was  very  much  pained  on  reading  that  it  was 
alleged  the  disturbances  rose  out  of  an  expression  used  by 
a Catholic  workman  to  a Protestant  workman,  that  “in  a 
short  time  none  of  his  religious  persuasion  would  be  allowed 
to  earn  a crust  of  bread  in  Ireland.”  That  does  not  repre- 
sent the  correct  state  of  facts  as  they  are  reported  in  the 
newspapers.  What  actually  took  place,  according  to  these 
reports,  was,  a Catholic  overseer  of  the  works  found  fault 


266 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


with  the  way  in  which  another  workman,  an  Orangeman,  I 
think — at  all  events  a Protestant — was  executing  the  digging 
out  of  a drain,  and  he  said  to  him  “ This  is  a nice  way  in 
which  you  are  digging  out  this  drain.’'  The  Orangeman 
said,  in  reply  to  his  overseer,  What  does  a Papist  know 
about  digging  drains?”  (laughter),  and  the  overseer,  ir- 
ritated, I will  not  say  justly,  because  it  would  be  absurd  to 
be  irritated  by  such  an  expression,  said  in  reply,  “You  will 
never  earn  a crust  at  these  works  again,”  meaning  he  should 
dismiss  him  (hear,  hear).  “That  is  all  right — that  is  all 
I want,”  replied  the  man,  and  he  took  up  his  shovel  and 
left  the  works.  I believe  as  he  was  leaving  he  was  assaulted 
by  one  or  more  of  the  other  workmen  (some  Opposition 
laughter).  It  is  of  great  importance  that  the  House  should 
understand  that  this  remark  had  not  a general  but  had  only 
an  individual  application  (hear,  hear).  At  the  same  time, 
I am  not  to  be  taken  as  justifying  the  occurrence  on  the  part 
of  those  employed  in  the  yard  in  the  slightest  degree. 

The  Question  of  Supremacy. 

The  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  East  Edinburgh 
spoke  about  the  sovereignty  of  Parliament.  Upon  this  point 
I entirely  accept  and  agree  with  the  definitions  given  by  the 
hon. and  learned  gentleman  the  member  for  one  of  the  divis- 
ions of  Aberdeen  (Under  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Af- 
fairs). We  have  always  perceived,  since  the  introduction  of 
this  Bill,  the  difference  between  a co-ordinate  Parliament 
and  a subordin^^te  Parliament.  We  have  recognized  that 
the  legislature  which  the  right  hon.  gentleman  the  Prime 
Minister  proposes  to  constitute  is  a subordinate  Parliament 
(hear,  hear) — that  it  is  not  like  Grattan’s  Parliament,  which 
was  co-equal  (hear,  hear,  from  Mr.  Gladstone),  arising  out 
of  the  same  Constitution  given  to  the  Irish  people  by  the 
Crown,  just  in  the  same  way,  though  not  by  the  same  means, 
as  Parliamentary  institutions  were  given  to  Great  Britain  by 


THE  GEE  A T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE.  267 

the  Sovereign.  We  understand  this  perfectly  well,  and  we 
should  undoubtedly  have  preferred — as  I stated  in  speeches 
which  have  been  quoted  against  me  as  showing  that  I could 
not  accept  this  proposed  settlement  as  final — I should  have 
preferred  the  restitution  of  Grattan's  Parliament.  It  would 
have  been  more  in  accordance  with  the  sentiments  of  the 
Irish  people,  and  sentiment  goes  a long  way  in  dealing 
with  people  like  the  Irish. 

Grattan’s  Parliament  and  Statutory  Body. 

But  at  the  same  time,  in  reference  to  the  argument  used 
against  us  that  I am  precluded  from  accepting  this  solution 
as  final  because  I have  claimed  a restitution  of  Grattan’s 
Parliament,  I would  say  that  I consider  there  are  practical 
advantages  in  a statutory  body  limited  and  subordinate  to 
this  Imperial  Parliament,  as  it  undoubtedly  would  be,  which 
will  render  it  much  more  useful  and  advantageous  to  the 
Irish  people  than  Grattan’s  Parliament  (hear,  hear),  and 
that  the  statutory  body  which  the  right  hon.  gentleman  the 
Prime  Minister  proposes  to  constitute  is  much  more  likely 
to  be  a final  settlement  than  Grattan’s  Parliament  would  be. 
Grattan’s  Parliament  had  many  disadvantages.  In  the  first 
place  it  had  a House  of  Lords  (Home  Rule  and  Radical 
cheers).  We  get  rid  of  the  House  of  Lords  under  the  con- 
stitution of  the  right  hon.  gentleman. 

The  Two  Orders. 

It  is  true  that  in  its  place  there  is  to  be  a7‘  first  order,” 
a very  salutary  provision,  although  I do  not  agree  with  the 
extent  of  time  the  first  order  is  allowed  to  hang  up  a Bill,  or 
with  some  of  the  qualifications  (hear,  hear).  These  are 
subordinate  matters.  But  I say  the  “ first  order  ” is  a very 
salutary  provision,  which  will  tend  to  prevent  rash  legisla- 
tion and  immoderate  action  on  the  part  of  the  new  body, 
and  I would  rather  see  a Bill  hung  up  for  ten  years  by  a 


268 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


body  such  as  the  “ first  order  than  -hung  up  for  twenty- 
four  hours  by  the  superior  Parliament  (cheers).  I venture 
to  express  that  opinion  regarding  the  effect  and  the  irritation 
which  constant  meddling  and  overseeing,  as  suggested  by 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  West  Birming- 
ham, on  the  part  of  this  Imperial  Parliament  would  have  on 
the  minds  of  the  people  of  Ireland  (hear,  hear).  It  would 
be  most  mischievous,  and  dangerous,  and  sure  to  prevent 
such  a settlement.  But  when  we  are  all  assembled  in  one 
chamber,  different  sections  of  Irishmen  threshing  out  a 
subject,  those  causes  and  those  effects  which  have  always 
come  into  operation  under  similar  circumstances  will  be 
also  produced  in  Ireland,  and  discussion  maybe  relied  upon 
to  bring  about  the  settlement  of  controverted  points.  Of 
course  we,  too,  have  controverted  subjects.  And  the  result 
of  these  two  orders  working  together  in  the  same  chamber 
will  be  that  great  questions  will  be  settled  on  the  basis  of 
compromise,  and  more  or  less  to  the  satisfaction  of  both 
parties.  We,  therefore,  understand  perfectly  well  that  this 
Parliament  has  the  ultimate  supremacy  and  sovereignty. 

The  Power  of  the  Imperial  Parliament. 

I have  spoken  of  the  detail  of  the  House  of  Lords  in 
Grattan’s  Parliament;  another  very  important  matter  in 
Grattan’s  Parliament  was  the  defect  alluded  to  by  the  right 
hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  East  Edinburgh — that  the 
executive  was  divorced  from  the  legislative  body.  Fox,  I 
think,  said  there  could  be  no  perfect  system  of  government 
in  which  the  executive  and  legislative  bodies  are  not  joined 
together.  I agree  with  that  statement,  and  I think  one  of 
the  most  valuable  parts  of  this  Bill  is  that  by  which  the 
Prime  Minister  throws  responsibility  on  the  legislature  to 
maintain  that  order  in  Ireland  without  which  no  society  can 
exist  (hear,  hear).  I understand  the  supremacy  of  the 
Imperial  Parliament  to  mean  this.  It  is  effective,  as  had 


THE  GEE  A T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE, 


269 


been  pointed  out,  in  the  event  of  the  Irish  body  exceeding 
its  powers,  but  it  might,  under  certain  circumstances,  be 
more  effective.  I can  illustrate  this  by  saying  that  in  ac- 
cepting this  Bill  I think  we  come  under  an  honourable 
obligation  not  to  abuse  our  powers,  and  we  pledge  our- 
selves not  to  abuse  those  powers,  and  to  devote  our 
energies  and  any  ability  or  influence  we  may  have  with  our 
people  to  prevent  them  abusing  those  powers;  but  if  this 
abuse  should  take  place  the  Imperial  Parliament  is  here  in 
its  full  plenitude  of  power  ready  to  intervene,  but  ready  to 
intervene  only  in  case  of  grave  and  urgent  necessity  (Home 
Rule  and  Ministerial  cheers).  Believe  me  this  is  far  the 
best  way  you  can  deal  with  this  question.  You  will  have 
the  power  of  force.  Of  course  we  know  when  abuses  are 
committed  and  injustice  is  perpetrated  force  is  the  real 
power.  But  you  will  have  also  the  power  of  this  Imperial 
Parliament  untouched  and  unimpaired  just  as  if  this  bill 
had  never  been  enacted.  We  recognize  this,  as  I have 
said,  and  I say  again. 

The  Irish  Race  Accepts  the  Bill. 

I said  on  the  first  reading  immediately  after  I heard  the 
statement  of  the  Prime  Minister,  and  I say  now,  that  I ac- 
cept this  Bill  as  a final  settlement  of  our  national  question, 
and  I believe  the  Irish  people  will  accept  it  (Home  Rule 
cheers).  Of  course  you  may  not  believe  my  words,  but  I 
can  say  no  more.  I think  my  words  in  the  connection  have 
been  signally  justified  by  the  result  (Irish  cheers).  We 
have  had  this  measure  accepted  in  the  sense  I have  indicated 
by  the  leaders  of  every  section  of  national  opinion  in  Ire- 
land and  also  outside  Ireland — in  the  United  States  of 
America,  with  the  vengeance  of  the  Irish  population  of  which 
some  speakers  against  this  Bill  are  so  fond  of  threatening 
us  (Irish  laughter  and  cheers).  We  have  not  had  a single 
syllable — a single  voice — against  this  Bill  by  any  Irishman 


270 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE  LA  HD, 


(Tory  cries  of  “Oh”  ) — by  any  Irishman  of  Nationalist 
opinion.  Of  course  there  are  sections  among  Irish  National- 
ists just  as  there  are  sections  in  the  great  Conservative  party 
(laughter),  but  so  far  as  it  was  possible  for  a nation  to  accept 
a measure  cheerfully,  freely,  gratefully,  and  without  re- 
serve, I say  that  the  Irish  people  have  shown  that  they  ac- 
cepted this  measure  (loud  Home  Rule  cheers).  Even  the 
terrible  Irish  Worlds  which  has  not  been  on  my  side  for 
the  last  five  or  six  years,  says: — 

The  Irish  race  at  home  and  abroad  have  signified  their 
willingness  to  accept  the  terms  proposed  by  Mr.  Gladstone 
(cheers).  If  a Coercion  Bill  be  now  passed  by  Parliament 
it  will  be  equivalent  to  a declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of 
England. 

(Tory  Ironical  cheers.)  We  do  not  agree  with  Mr.  Patrick 
Ford  in  his  conclusion.  During  the  last  five  or  six  years 
we  thoroughly  differ  from  him,  and  he  has  returned  the 
compliment  by  using  every  opportunity  to  condemn  us,  so 
that  the  honours  are  pretty  even  (cheers  and  laughter).  But 
so  far  as  the  Irish  people  could  accept  this  Bill  they  have 
accepted  it  without  any  reserve  whatever  as  one  that  will  be 
a final  settlement  of  this  great  question  (Irish  and  Liberal 
cheers). 

Groundless  Fears  of  Clerical  Ascendancy. 

Now,  sir,  I will  leave  the  question  of  the  sovereignty  of 
Parliament,  and  I will  go  to  another  point  which  has  been 
touched  upon  by  the  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  Edin- 
burgh (Mr.  Goschen).  He  has  fairly  told  us  of  his  fears 
with  regard  to  abuses  on  the  part  of  the  Irish  priesthood  in 
reference  to  the  question  of  education.  The  right  hon. 
gentleman  certainly  has  not  followed  the  example  of  other 
illustrious  persons  (laughter)  by  indulging  in  extravagant 
language  on  the  Protestant  and  Catholic  question  (hear, 
hear,  from  the  Irish  members),  and  I am  quite  sure  that 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


271 


his  apprehension  is  genuine  so  far  as  it  goes^  but  he  does 
not  desire  to  fan  the  flames  of  religious  bigotry  amongst 
us  (hear,  hear).  He  has  spoken  very  fairly,  and  I wish  to 
say  that,  perhaps,  as  a Protestant,  if  I had  not  abundant 
experience  of  the  feeling  in  Ireland,  I might  have  shared 
these  feelings  myself.  Certainly  I have  no  such  fears 
(cheers),  but  it  is  rather  remarkable  that  this  question  of 
education  is  the  only  matter  the  right  hon.  gentleman  has 
any  fears  about  in  dealing  with  the  question  of  Protestant 
and  Catholic  in  Ireland.  It  is  rather  remarkable  that  when 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  Birmingham  (Mr. 
Chamberlain)  proposed  to  give  us  a central  Council  in  Dublin, 
he  proposed  that  it  should  have  exclusive  control  over  educa- 
tion without  any  reservation  whatever  with  regard  to  Ulster 
Protestants  or  anybody  else  (cheers).  I believe  in  that 
scheme;  also  there  was  to  be  a first  and  second  order  (hear, 
hear).  Sir,  it  is  very  hard  to  please  everybody  (hear  and 
laughter),  and  while  we  pleas-e  the  right  hon.  member  for 
West  Birmingham  in  regard  to  accepting  the  education 
scheme  which  the  Prime  Minister  proposes  to  establish,  we 
regret  that  we  are  unfortunate  enough  to  run  foul  of  the 
right  hon.  member  for  East  Edinburgh  (hear,  hear).  But 
I do  assure  the  right  hon.  gentleman  that  we  shall  settle 
this  question  of  education  very  well  amongst  ourselves 
(Irish  cheers),  and  there  are  very  many  liberal  Nationalists 
— I call  them  liberal  Nationalists  because  I take  the  phrase 
in  reference  to  this  question  of  education — there  are  many 
liberal  Nationalists  that  do  not  share  those  views  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  on  the  question  of  the  control  of 
education,  and  who  are  very  much  influenced  in  their  desire 
to  see  Ulster  remain  a part  of  the  legislative  body,  and 
sharing  the  responsible  duties  of  governing  Ireland  by  the 
feeling  that  they  have  with  regard  to  this  question;  and  I 
am  sure  that  with  Ulster  in  the  Irish  legislature,  and  with 
her  representatives  coming  there  as  they  come  here,  there 


272 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


would  not  be  the  slightest  risk,  if  there  was  indeed  any  such 
idea,  on  the  part  of  the  Catholic  hierarchy  and  priesthood 
to  use  their  power  unfairly  against  the  Protestants  (loud 
Irish  and  Liberal  cheers).  But,  as  I said,  we  shall  be  able 
to  settle  this  and  other  questions  together  very  satisfactorily, 
and  to  the  satisfaction  of  everybody  concerned  (cheers). 

Denominational  Education. 

There  is  one  thing  further  I wish  to  say — that  as  things 
are  going  on  in  this  House  in  reference  to  the  education 
question,  there  is  no  doubt  that  denominational  education 
would  be  established  in  Ireland  in  a very  few  years.  That 
is  a point  that  is  already  conceded  even  by  the  right  hon. 
member  for  Birmingham.  That  right  hon.  gentleman 
agrees  that  denominational  education  is  the  right  thing  for 
Ireland,  and  I am  sure  that  we  might  say  that  if  Parliament 
remains  as  it  is,  and  that  if  Ireland  remains  as  it  is,  we 
should  find  denominational  education  established  in  Ireland 
in  a very  few  years  (hear,  hear). 

The  Linen  Trade. 

The  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  Edinburgh 
spoke  of  the  linen  trade,  and  I think  he  was  rather  unfair 
to  my  right  hon.  friend  the  member  for  the  Stephen’s-green 
Division  of  Dublin  (Mr.  Gray).  I have  not  had  time  to 
look  at  the  series  of  letters  on  the  question  to  which  he 
refers,  but  the  part  of  the  letters  that  he  quoted  to  prove 
that  the  articles  went  to  show  that  the  linen  trade  was  the 
curse  of  Ulster  was  one  passage  out  of  many  letters  intended 
to  prove  that  the  linen  trade  had  been  the  curse  of  Ulster, 
not  directly  but  indirectly,  because  it  enabled  the  landlords 
to  extract  rack-rents  from  tenants  on  which  the  landlords 
otherwise  would  not  have  insisted  (hear,  hear),  and  I don’t 
think  that  in  his  argument  the  right  hon.  gentleman  was 
fair  in  seeking  to  carry  the  matter  further  than  that — in- 
deed, he  did  not  attempt  to  carry  it  further. 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE, 


273 


The  Wealth  of  Ulster. 

He  observed  a similar  reticence  on  the  financial  ques- 
tion in  regard  to  which  he  made  so  much  on  his  speech  on 
the  first  reading.  Sir,  the  speech  of  the  right  hon.  gentle- 
man on  the  occasion  produced  a very  great  sensation  in  the 
House  and  in  the  country.  It  was  understood  that  the  right 
hon.  gentleman  intended  to  show,  and  I believe  the  country 
understood  him  so  to  intend,  that,  first,  Ulster  was  wealthier 
than  any  of  the  other  three  provinces;  and,  secondly,  that 
the  burden  of  the  taxation  would  fall  on  Ulster,  and  that 
without  Ulster  it  would  be  impossible  to  carry  on  the  govern- 
ment of  Ireland.  The  hon.  gentleman  did  not  pursue  this 
financial  question  very  far  to-day  (Irish  cheers),  but  it  is 
perhaps  not  improper  that  we  should  direct  a little  more 
attention  to  it  since  this  question  of  the  wealth  of  Ulster 
has  been  made  a sort  of  war-cry  by  the  Loyal  and  Patriotic 
Union  (cheers).  In  his  first  speech  the  right  hon.  gentleman 
was  not  very  fair  in  selecting  schedule  “ D ” of  the  income 
tax,  that  relating  to  trades  and  professions,  as  his  standard 
of  measure  of  the  relative  wealth  of  the  four  provinces 
(laughter).  A fairer  standard  of  relative  wealth  would  have 
been  the  assessments  for  income  tax  on  all  the  schedules, 
and  also  the  rateable  values  of  the  property  in  the  four 
provinces,  and  this  would  show  that  so  far  from  Ulster 
being  the  wealthiest  it  was  the  third  in  relative  amount  of 
wealth  (cheers).  These  assessments  show  conclusively,  and 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  will  not  now  deny  that  they  show, 
that  Ulster  comes  third  in  point  of  relative  wealth — that 
she  comes  after  Leinster,  after  Munster,  and  that  she  is 
only  superior  to  unfortunate  Connaught  (cheers).  The  as- 
sessment of  income  tax  per  head  in  Leinster  is  6s  9d, 
for  Munster  ^^6  os  yd,  for  Ulster  14s  5d,  and  for 
Connaught  ^^3  13s  yd.  The  figures  as  to  the  relative  values 
are  the  only  fair  tests,  and  they  are  — Leinster,  9*92; 
Munster^  S-?^;  Ulster,  5.49;  or  only  a little  more  than 
18 


274 


THE  STORY  OF  IRE  LA  AH). 


half  of  Leinster;  and  Connaught  3.53.  If  you  take  any 
other  fair  tests,  similar  results  will  be  arrived  at,  and  you 
will  find  that  instead  of  being  the  first  with  regard  to  wealth 
Ulster  comes  a long  way  third  (hear,  hear).  The  right  hon. 
gentleman  argued  that  there  was  a great  disparity  between 
the  Protestants  of  the  north-eastern  counties  and  the  Cath- 
olics of  the  western  counties  in  point  of  relative  wealth,  but 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  showed  that  disparity  to  be  a great 
deal  larger  than  actually  exists  by  the  system  which  he 
chose,  and,  of  course,  he  was  perfectly  entitled  to  choose 
his  own  systen  of  calculating  the  relative  wealth  of  the  dif- 
ferent countries. 

The  West  and  the  East  of  Ireland. 

Of  course  to  a considerable  extent  there  is  a dispropor- 
tion of  wealth  between  the  north-eastern  and  the  other 
counties  in  Ulster,  but  the  same  disproportion-  exists  all 
through  Ireland  (hear,  hear).  The  eastern  counties  all 
through  Ireland  are  richer  than  the  counties  in  the  west. 
If  you  draw  a meridian  line  down  through  the  whole  country 
you  will  find  that  on  the  eastern  side  of  that  line  there  is 
comparatively  prosperity,  and  on  the  western  side  consider- 
able poverty  (hear,  hear).  The  reason  of  this  is  obvious. 
In  the  first  place  in  the  west  the  country  is  rocky  and  barren, 
and  in  the  second  place  the  trade  of  the  country  is  with 
England;  consequently  all  the  great  distributing  centres  and 
shipping  are  in  the  east,  and  men  of  business  and  men  of 
wealth  collect  together  and  live  on  the  eastern  seaboard,  and 
it  is  only  natural,  therefore,  that  the  eastern  portions  of  the 
provinces  are  richer  than  the  western  portions  (laughter). 

What  Loyal  Minority  ? 

Now,  sir,  we  come  to  the  question  of  the  protection  of 
the  loyal  minority.’'  I have  incidentally  dealt  with  this 
(question  in  regard  to  the  matter  of  education,  but  I would 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE, 


275 


your  permission,  sir,  to  say  a few  more  words  upon  it, 
as  great  attention  has  been  bestowed  upon  the  question. 
One  would  think  that  the  Protestants  of  Ireland  were  going 
to  be  handed  over  to  the  tender  mercies  of  a lot  of  Thugs 
and  bandits. 

Major  Saunderson — Hear,  hear. 

Mr.  Parnell — The  hon.  and  gallant  member  for  North 
Armagh  cheers  that  statement.  I only  wish  that  I was  as 
safe  in  going  to  the  North  of  Ireland  as  the  hon.  and  gallant 
member  would  be  in  going  to  the  South  (Irish  and  Liberal 
cheers).  What  do  these  gentlemen  mean  by  “ protection  of 
the  loyal  minority?  ’’  In  the  first  place  I would  ask  these 
gentlemen  what  ‘ 'loyal  minority’'  they  mean.  The  right 
hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  East  Edinburgh  does  not 
seem  yet  to  have  made  up  his  mind  as  to  what  “ loyal  mi- 
nority ” he  means.  When  asked  he  said  he  meant  the  same 
loyal  Ulster  as  was  referred  to  by  the  Prime  Minister.  Well 
I have  examined  the  Prime  ^dinister’s  reference  to  Ulster, 
and  I find  that  he  referred  to  the  whole  province.  He  did 
not  select  the  little  bit  of  the  province  in  the  eastern  corner, 
because  the  Opposition  had  not  discovered  that  point  at  the 
time,  and  consequently  I will  assume  that  he  refers  to  the 
whole  province  when  he  asked  the  House  for  special  protec- 
tion for  Ulster.  He  has  not,  however,  told  us  how  he  will 
protect  them. 

The  Patchwork  Plan  Examined. 

Let  us,  therefore,  take  the  plans  of  other  gentlemen  to 
supply  the  deficiency.  It  is  very  confusing  dealing  with 
these  plans.  In  order  to  make  even  an  outline  of  a plan, 
or  a patchwork  of  a plan,  you  have  to  set  together 
the  propositions  of  several  members  (laughter).  You 
have  to  take  a little  bit  of  a plan  from  one,  and  a little  bit 
of  a plan  from  another,  and  a little  bit  of  a plan  from  a 
third,  in  order  to  make  one  coherent  whole  (loud  laughter), 
and  even  in  face  of  all  these  efforts,  the  results  are  very  un- 


276 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


satisfactory  (cheers  and  laughter).  The  right  hon.  gentle- 
man the  member  for  Birmingham,  and  I suppose  the  right 
hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  Edinburgh  when  the  proper 
time  comes  would  do  the  same,  claimed  for  Ulster  a separate 
legislature.  Well,  sir,  you  would  not  protect  the  Protestant 
minority  in  Ireland,  even  supposing  you  gave  a separate 
legislature  to  Ulster,  because  there  are  outside  the  province 
of  Ulster  400,000  Protestants  (cheers)  who  would  still  be  with- 
out that  protection.  Therefore  by  taking  away  Ulster  from 
them  you  would  make  the  position  of  those  400,000  Protes- 
tants infinitely  less  secure  (cheers).  How  would  you  protect 
the  Protestants  of  Ulster?  (Irish  cheers.)  The  Protes- 
tants according  to  the  last  census  were  in  the  proportion  of 
52  to  48  of  the  Catholics  (hear,  hear).  We  have  now  every 
reason  to  believe  that  the  Protestants  and  Catholics  in  Ulster 
are  about  equal  in  number  (hear,  hear).  At  all  events, 
however  that  maybe,  the  Nationalists  have  succeeded  in  re- 
turning the  majority  of  the  Ulster  members  (loud  Irish 
cheers),  and  consequently  we  have  the  Nationalists  in  the 
majority  in  Ulster  (renewed  cheers).  The  main  reason, 
apart  from  the  increase  of  the  Catholic  forces,  for  this  I 
believe  to  be  that  a large  proportion  of  the  Protestant 
Nationalists  voted  in  the  closely  divided  constituencies  in 
favor  of  Ireland,  and  returned  Nationalist  members  (cheers). 
So  that  you  see  you  would  still  have  Nationalists  to  deal 
with  in  Ulster,  even  supposing  you  had  an  Ulster  Legisla- 
ture (hear,  hear,  and  cheers),  and  the  first  thing  an  Ulster 
Legislature  would  do  would  be  to  unite  herself  with  the 
Dublin  Parliament  and  the  rest  of  Ireland  (loud  Irish  and 
Liberal  cheers). 

Absurdity  of  Proposing  a Parliament  for  Ulster. 

But,  sir,  driven  away  from  the  fiction  of  Protestant  Ulster 
and  the  great  majority,  it  was  only  recently  discovered  that 
there  did  not  exist  this  Protestant  Ulster  (cheers).  The 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE,  277 

opponents  of  the  Bill  upon  this  point  have  been  compelled 
to  take  refuge  in  the  north-east  corner  of  Ulster,  consisting 
of  three  counties  (cheers).  Well,  sir,  there  again  comes  in 
the  difficulty  that  instead  of  protecting  the  majority  of  the 
Protestants  of  Ireland  by  constituting  a Legislature  in  the 
north-east  corner  of  Ulster,  you  would  abandon  the  majority 
of  the  Protestants  of  Ireland  to  their  fate  or  a Dublin  Par- 
liament (loud  Irish  and  Liberal  cheers).  Seven-twelfths  of 
the  Protestants  of  Ireland  live  ouside  these  three  northern 
counties,  and  only  five-twelfths  of  the  Protestants  live  in- 
side these  three  counties,  so  that  whatever  way  you  put  it 
you  must  give  up  this  idea  of  protecting  either  a body  or  a 
majority  of  the  Protestants  of  Ireland  by  the  establishment 
of  a separate  Legislature  either  in  Ulster  or  in  portions  of 
Ulster  (cheers). 

The  Union  of  all  Creeds  Required. 

No,  sir,  we  cannot  give  up  a single  Irishman  (cheers) — 
we  want  the  energy,  the  patriotism,  the  talent,  and  work  of 
every  Irishman  (cheers)  to  make  this  great  experiment — to 
ensure  that  this  great  experiment  shall  be  successful  (hear, 
hear).  The  best  form  of  government  for  a country  I believe 
to  be  one  that  required  that  that  government  shall  be  the 
resultant  of  what  forces  are  in  that  country  (hear,  hear). 
We  cannot  give  away  to  a second  Legislature  for  a section 
of  Ireland  any  portion  of  that  talent  or  influence  of  the  Irish 
Protestants  (cheers).  This  class — the  Protestant  class — will 
form  the  most  valuable  element  in  the  Irish  Legislature  of 
the  future,  constituting  as  they  will  a strong  minority^  and 
exercising,  through  the  “first  order,’’  a moderating  influ- 
ence upon  the  making  of  the  laws.  We  have  heard  of  the 
danger  of  a first  trial  of  untrained  legislators  in  an  Irish 
Parliament.  I regard  their  presence  as  vitally  necessary  to 
the  success  of  this  trial  (hear,  hear).  We  want,  sir,  all 
creeds  and  all  classes  in  Ireland.  We  cannot  look  upon  a 


278 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND. 


single  Irishman  as  not  belonging  to  us  (cheers).  However 
much  we  recognize  their  ability,  we  cannot  admit  that  there 
is  a single  one  of  them  too  good  to  take  part  in  this  experi- 
ment (cheers). 

To  Whom  the  Shame  of  Bigotry  Belongs. 

We  do  not  blame  the  small  proportion  of  Protestants  who 
feel  any  real  fear.  I admit  that  there  is  a small  proportion 
who  do  (hear,  hear).  We  have  been  doing  our  best  of  late 
to  remove  this  fear,  and  we  shall  continue  to  do  so  (cheers). 
When  this  Bill  becomes  an  Act  we  shall  not  cease  to  try  to 
conciliate  such  Irishmen  (cheers).  No,  sir,  there  is  no 
shame  or  disgrace  in  th[s  fear — that  shame  and  disgrace  be- 
long to  right  hon.  gentlemen  and  noble  lords  belonging  to 
English  political  parties,  who,  for  the  selfish  interests  of 
those  political  parties,  try  to  stir  up  the  almost  expired  em- 
bers of  religious  bigotry  (loud  Irish  and  Liberal  cheers). 
Ireland  has  never  injured  the  right  hon.  gentleman  the 
member  for  West  Birmingham,  and  I do  not  know  why  he 
laid  the  strength  of  his  powerful  arm  against  her — why,  like 
another  Brennus — although,  I hope,  not  with  the  same  re- 
sult— he  has  thrown  his  sword  into  the  scale  against  Ireland. 
I do  not  think  that  either  politically  or  otherwise  she  has 
attempted  to  injure  him,  and  yet  he  and  his  kind  seek  to 
dash  down  the  first  cup  of  cold  water  that  has  been  offered 
to  our  nation  since  the  recall  of  Lord  Fitzwilliam,  as  was 
said  in  those  days,  at  the  point  of  the  dagger  (hear,  hear). 

A Final  Settlement. 

This  settlement,  sir,  I believe,  will  be  a final  settlement 
(hear,  hear).  I have  been  reproached — and  it  has  been  made 
an  argument  against  the  honesty  of  my  declaration  regard- 
ing the  final  character  of  the  settlement — that  in  a speech  at 
Wicklow  I proclaimed  a right  to  protect  Irish  manufactures 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE, 


279 


This  Bill  gives  no  such  right.  Undoubtedly  I did  claim 
that  right;  but  it  was  when  the  Liberal  party  was  in  power 
(laughter  and  cheers).  That  speech  about  protection  at  Wick- 
low was  made  at  a time  when  we  had  every  reason  to  know 
that  the  Conservative  party,  if  they  should  be  successful  at 
the  polls,  would  have  offered  to  Ireland  a statutory  Legis- 
lature with  the  right  to  protect  her  own  affairs  (loud  Irish 
and  Ministerial  cheers,  in  which  Mr.  Gladstone  warmly 
joined),  and  that  this  would  have  been  coupled  with  a set- 
tlement of  the  Irish  land  question  upon  a process  of  pur- 
chase on  a larger  scale  than  that  now  proposed  by  the  Prime 
Minister  (prolonged  Irish  and  Ministerial  cheers).  I should 
never  have  thought,  I never  did  think,  and  I do  not  think 
now,  of  claiming  a right  of  protection  from  the  Liberal  party 
(cheers).  I never  expected  it  (Liberal  cheers).  Therefore 
I recognize  this  settlement  as  final — a settlement  Avithout 
protection. 

The  Retention  of  the  Irish  Members. 

There  is  another  argument  stronger  still.  The  Prime 
Minister  has  shown  us  when  he  introduced  this  Bill  that 
without  fiscal  unity  we  should  lose  ;^i, 400,000  a year. 
That  will  still  go  to  us  in  consequence  of  this  unity  and  the 
absence  of  protection,  and  it  is  a very  good  quid  pro  quo  for 
the  loss  of  protection  (hear,  hear).  The  question  of  the  re- 
tention of  the  Irish  members  is  one  which  I will  only  touch 
upon  very  slightly.  I may  say  with  regard  to  this  matter 
that  I have  always  kept  my  mind  thoroughly  open  upon  it 
(hear,  hear).  It  is  not  a vital  question.  I have  seen  diffi- 
culties in  it,  and  difficulties  that  are  rather  from  your  point 
of  view  than  from  ours  (Irish  cheers).  I think  that  when 
considered  in  committee  it  will  present  a difficulty  which  will 
be  a growing  one  for  Liberal  members  (hear,  hear).  I do 
not  desire  to  prejudge  this  question.  I admit  a desire  and 
a strong  sentiment  in  the  matter.  When,  however,  I con- 


280 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


sider  how  many  times  my  colleagues  and  myself  have  been 
forcibly  ejected  (laughter),  and  how  often  the  necessity  of 
suspending,  and  if  not  entirely  abrogating  the  representa- 
tion of  Ireland  in  this  House  has  been  eagerly  canvassed  by 
the  London  Press  as  the  necessary  solution  of  the  question, 
perhaps,  sir,  I may  not  consider,  under  the  present  circum- 
stances, that  this  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Liberal  members 
is  a very  reasonable  one.  I acknowledge,  however,  that  it 
is  an  honest  one. 

What  Ireland  will  not  Submit  to. 

When  the  Prime  Minister  has  produced  his  plan,  without 
binding  himself  beforehand,  I shall  candidly  examine  it 
with  the  desire  to  see  in  it  elements  which  shall  not  endanger 
its  final  acceptance  (hear,  hear).  I shall  deal  with  the  pro- 
posals from  that  point  of  view.  To  the  permanency  of  the 
settlement  and  the  success  of  it  my  colleagues  and  I have 
pledged  our  political  future  (cheers).  But  I confess,  sir, 
that  if  I had  regard  to  the  spirit  with  which  the  right  hon. 
gentleman  the  member  for  West  Birmingham  has  dealt  with 
this  question,  I should  have  been  hopelessly  alienated  from 
the  plan.  He  has  dealt  with  it  in  order  to  cast  upon  us  an 
apparent  stigma  of  inferiority  in  order  he  may  have  an  ex- 
cuse for  constantly  meddling  in  our  affairs,  checking  and 
thwarting  us,  keeping  us  under  his  thumb  (hear,  hear). 
That  is  not  a state  of  things  which  the  Irish  people  will  sub- 
mit to  (cheers).  We  should  not  agree  to  his  claim  in  this 
respect — they  would  be  fatal  to  the  durability  of  the  settle- 
ment. 

The  Alternatives. 

Now,  sir,  what  does  it  all  come  to?  It  comes  to  two 
alternatives  when  everything  has  been  said  and  done — the 
alternative  of  coercion,  which  Lord  Salisbury  has  put  before 
the  country  (“No,  no  from  the  Tories,  and  loud  Irish  and 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE.  281 

Ministerial  cheers),  and  the  alternative  offered  by  the  Prime 
Minister  as  a solution,  carrying  with  it  a lasting  settlement 
and  treaty  of  peace  (loud  cheers).  If  you  reject  this  Bill, 
Lord  Salisbury  was  right  in  what  he  said  as  to  coercion 
(“  No,  no  ’'),  and  with  respect  to  the  cries  of  “ No ''  by  hon. 
gentlemen,  I beg  to  say  that  you  will  have  to  resort  to  co- 
ercion (hear,  hear).  That  is  not  a threat  on  my  part.  I 
would  do  much  to  prevent  the  necessity  of  a resort  to  co- 
ercion, but  I see  that  it  will  be  inevitable.  The  best  inten- 
tioned  Radical  sitting  on  these  benches,  and  who  thinks 
that  he  will  never  be  a party  to  coercion  in  Ireland,  will  be 
seen  walking  into  the  coercion  lobby  for  drastic  coercion, 
or,  at  the  very  outside,  pitifully  abstaining.  We  have  gone 
through  it  all  before,  and  know  the  sort  of  Ireland  there  has 
been  for  the  past  five  years.  We  know  that  they  have  had 
coercion  during  these  five  years  of  a very  severe  and  strin- 
gent character,  and  it  will  require  severer  and  more  drastic 
coercion  now.  You  will  require  everything  you  have  had 
during  the  last  five  years,  and  more  besides. 

The  Coercion  that  Failed. 

And  what  sort  has  the  coercion  been?  You  have  had 
during  these  five  years — I do  not  say  it  to  inflame  passion 
or  awaken  bitter  memories — you  have  had  during  these  five 
years  suspension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  you  have  had 
one  thousand  of  your  fellow-subjects  held  in  prison  without 
specific  charge,  many  of  them  for  a long  period  of  time,  and 
some  of  them  for  very  many  months  without  trial,  and  without 
your  placing  them  on  trial,  and  I think  all  of  these  thousand 
persons  arrested  under  the  coercion  of  the  late  Mr.  Forster, 
scarcely  one  dozen  were  put  on  their  trial  for  any  offence 
(hear,  hear).  You  have  had  an  Arms'  Act,  you  have  had 
the  suspension  of  trial  by  jury.  During  these  last  five  years 
you  have  authorized  your  police  to  enter  the  domiciles  of 
your  fellow-subjects  in  Ireland  at  any  hour  of  the  day  or 


282 


THE  STOR  Y OF  /RE LA  HD, 


night,  and  to  search  every  part  of  these  domiciles — even  the 
beds  of  the  women — without  warrant.  You  have  fined  the 
innocent  for  offences  committed  by  the  guilty;  you  have 
taken  power  to  expel  aliens  from  the  country;  you  have  re- 
vived the  Curfew  law  and  the  blood-money  of  the  Norman 
conquerors;  you  have  gagged  the  Press,  suppressed  news- 
papers, manufactured  new  crimes  and  offences,  and  imposed 
fresh  penalties.  All  this  you  have  done,  and  much  more, 
in  the  past  five  years — all  this,  and  more,  you  have  to  do 
again. 

Either  Freedom  or  Despotism. 

The  provision  in  the  Bill  for  terminating  the  representa- 
tion of  the  Irish  members  has  been  very  vehemently  objec- 
ted to,  and  the  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  the 
Border  Burghs  has  said  there  is  no  half-way  house  between 
separation  and  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order  in  Ireland 
by  the  Imperial  authority.  Well,  sir,  I say  with  just  as 
much  belief  and  just  as  much  experience  as  the  right  hon. 
gentleman,  that  in  my  judgment  there  is  no  half-way  house 
between  the  concession  of  legislative  autonomy  to  Ireland 
and  the  disfranchisement  of  the  country  and  her  Government 
as  a Crown  colony  (Irish  cheers).  But,  sir,  I refuse  to  be- 
lieve that  those  evil  days  must  come.  I am  convinced  that 
there  are  a sufficient  number  of  wise  and  just  men  in  this 
House  to  cause  it  to  disregard  the  appeals  made  to  passion 
and  to  pocket,  and  to  choose  the  better  way  of  the  Prime 
Minister — a way  of  peace  and  good-will  amongst  nations — 
and  that  when  the  numbers  in  the  division  lobby  have  been 
told  to-night  it  will  also  be  told,  for  the  admiration  of  all 
future  generations,  that  England  and  her  Parliament  in  this 
nineteenth  century  was  wise  enough,  brave  enough,  and 
generous  enough  to  end  this  strife  of  centuries  and  give 
peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness  to  suffering  Ireland  (loud 
and  prolonged  Irish  and  Liberal' cheers). 


SPEECH 


OF 

HON.  WM.  EWART  GLADSTONE,  M.P., 

ON  THE 


SECOND  READING  OF  THE  HOME  RULE 
BILL, 


MONDAY,  JUNE  7,  1886. 


MR.  GLADSTONE'S  SPEECH. 

Mr.  GLADSTONE,  who  rose  amidst  loud  and  long- 
continued  cheers,  said — ^Mr.  Speaker,  I shall  ven- 
ture to  make  a few  remarks  on  the  speech  of  the 
right  hon.  gentleman,  but  I will  just  allow  myself  the  satis- 
faction of  saying  that  I believe  I only  express  sentiments 
widely  pervading  this  House  when  I state  the  pleasure  with 
which  1 listened  to  two  speeches  we  have  heard  this  evening. 
The  singularly  eloquent  speech  of  the  senior  member  for 
Newcastle  (Home  Rule  cheers),  and  the  masterly  exposition, 
for  I cannot  call  it  less,  of  the  hon.  member  for  Cork — (loud 
cheers  and  Opposition  laughter) — sir,  I feel  a strong  convic- 
tion that  speeches  couched  in  that  tone,  marked  alike  by 
sound  statesmanship  and  a far-seeing  moderation,  will  never 
fail  to  produce  a lasting  effect  upon  the  minds  and  convic- 
tions of  the  people  of  England  and  Scotland  (hear,  hear). 
Sir,  with  respect  to  the  personal  question  which  has  arisen 
between  the  hon.  member  for  Cork  and  the  right  hon.  gen- 
tleman I think  it  no  part  of  my  duty  to  interfere. 

Lord  R.  Churchill — Hear,  hear. 

Mr.  Gladstone — I presume  that  that  subject  will  be  car- 
ried further  (Home  Rule  cheers),  and  I understand  a dis- 
tinct allegation  to  be  made  by  the  hon.  gentleman  the  mem- 
ber for  Cork  in  regard  to  some  person  whose  name  he  has 
not  given,  one  of  a limited  body.  In  that  limited  body  I 
conclude  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  procure,  if  it  can  be  given, 
a denial.  I presume  that  a distinct  allegation  has  been 
made  with  regard  to  some  persons  whose  name  he  doesn’t 
give,  and  which  if  it  can  be  given,  and  which  if  no  interpo- 
sition prevent  it,  this  will  open  out  a matter  of  public  interest. 


286 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE LA  HD. 


and  the  right  hon.  gentleman  opposite  will  do  me  the  justice 
that  I have  not  sought  before  taking  office  to  make  an  attack 
on  the  conduct  which  right  hon.  gentlemen  pursue.  The 
right  hon.  gentleman  having  refuted  the  statement  that  it 
was  a one-man  Bill,  he  hinted  that  he  was  prepared  to  fight 
a general  election , He  then  explained  that  only  the  princi- 
ple of  the  Bill  was  involved  in  the  second  reading.  Mr. 
Gladstone  proceeded — 


Ulster. 

The  right  hon.  gentleman  opposite  (Sir  M.  Hicks-Beach) 
said  that  the  question  of  Ulster  is  a question  of  principle. 
I must  say  that  with  regard  to  the  sentiments  we  have  heard 
expressed  on  the  subject  I cannot  say  that  any  plan  for  the 
treatment  of  Ulster  has  made  any  serious  or  practical  effect 
upon  the  hon.  and  gallant  member  for  North  Armagh 
(Major  Saunderson),  who  is  opposed  to  the  separation  of 
Ulster  from  the  rest  of  Ireland  (hear,  hear).  I must  say 
that  the  hon.  member  for  Cork  entered  into  a careful  and 
elaborate  argument  on  the  subject  of  Ulster,  and  dealing 
with  her  as  a separate  part  of  Ireland  in  the  course  of  this 
evening’s  debate,  and  I must  say  that  that  was  a statement 
which  requires  an  answer  (hear,  hear).  Now,  I want  to  say 
one  word  on  the  subject  of  the  Irish  Loyalists,  and  in  debates 
of  this  kind  we  have  at  times  to  use  words  and  expressions 
that  it  is  well  should  be  a little  better  understood  than  they 
are.  When  I hear  a speech  from  the  hon.  member  for  Bel- 
fast (Mr.  William  Johnston)  and  some  other  gentlemen  it 
always  appears  to  me  that  he  is  under  a pious  conviction 
that  loyalty  is  innate  in  an  Irish  Protestant,  and  that  disloy- 
alty is  innate  in  some  other  person  (laughter).  I do  believe 
that  the  hon.  member  is  under  the  impression  that  in  all 
times  in  the  long  generations  of  Irish  history  that  there  has 
been  this  distinction  between  the  persons  who  are  Protestants 
and  those  who  are  not  Protestants  (hear,  hear,  and  “ No.”) 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE, 


28? 


Well,  it  is  a charge  which  has  been  made  and  it  ought  to 
be  met. 

Loyalty. 

Has  the  hon.  gentleman  inquired  what  was  the  state  of 
loyalty  in  Ireland  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century.  As 
regards  the  Catholics,  they  had  then  hardly  been  born  into 
political  life,  and  in  his  time  Dean  Swift  spoke  of  their  in- 
capacity for  politics,  and  it  would  be  absurd  to  speak  of 
them  as  being  either  loyal  or  disloyal;  but  as  to  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Roman  Catholics  at  the  close  of  the  last  century, 
I will  read  what  Mr.  Burke  has  said  on  the  subject.  The 
date  of  it  is  1796,  and  it  is  taken  from  a letter  to  Mr.Wynd- 
ham.  He  speaks  of  the  subject  of  disaffection,  and  he  writes 
thus: 

“ It  (disaffection)  has  cast  deep  roots  in  the  principles  and 
habits  of  the  majority  among  the  lower  and  middle  classes 
of  the  whole  Protestant  part  of  Ireland  (Parnellite  laughter.) 
The  Catholics  who  are  intermingled  with  them  are  more  or 
less  tainted  (laughter)  in  the  other  parts  of  Ireland,  some 
in  Dublin  only  excepted;  the  Catholics,  who  are  in  a manner 
the  whole  people,  are  as  yet  sound,  but  they  may  be  pro- 
voked, as  all  men  easily  may  be,  out  of  their  principles.” 

(Cheers.)  What  has  happened  since  ? That  the  Protestants 
not  having  grievances  to  complain  of,  have  become  loyal, 
that  in  many  cases  the  Roman  Catholics  have,  as  Mr.  Burke 
said,  been  provoked,  as  all  men  may  be  easily,  out  of  their 
principles  (hear,  hear).  These  are  the  words  and  these  the 
ideas  which  show  us  what  is  the  way  in  which  we  are  to 
promote  loyalty  and  what  is  the  way  in  which  we  can 
destroy  it. 

Federation. 

Another  subject  upon  which  I will  dwell  only  for  a moment 
is  federation.  Many  gentlemen  in  this  House  are  greatly 
enamoured  of  this  idea,  and  the  object  they  have  in  view  is 


288 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


a noble  one.  I will  not  admit  to  the  right  hon.  baronet  the 
justice  of  the  disparagement  he  cast  upon  the  British  Empire 
— I do  not  consider  that  this  is  a loosely  compacted  Empire 
(laughter);  but  I admit  that  if  the  means  can  be  devised  for 
establishing  a more  active  connection  with  our  distant  pos- 
sessions, that  is  an  object  well  worthy  of  every  noble  and 
enlightened  man.  It  is  a popular  idea — I give  no  opinion 
upon  it — I suspect  it  is  beset  with  more  difficulties  than 
have  as  yet  been  examined  and  brought  to  light — but  what 
I wish  to  observe,  as  far  as  this  Bill  is  concerned,  is  this, 
that  this  Bill,  whatever  its  rights  or  wrongs  in  other  respects, 
is  unquestionably  a step,  and  an  important  step,  in  the 
direction  of  federation  (cheers),  because  it  rests  essentially 
upon  two  things,  and  two  things  alone,  as  pre-conditions — 
one  of  them  is  a division  of  legislatures,  and  the  other  is  a 
division  of  subjects,  and  both  are  among  the  vital  objects 
of  this  Bill. 


Inalienable  Supremacy. 

The  right  hon.  gentleman  has  referred  in  some  degree  to 
the  question  of  supremacy.  I own  my  opinion  is  that  this 
debate  has  in  a considerable  measure  cleared  the  ground  on 
the  subject.  It  is  most  satisfactory  to  me  to  hear  the  state- 
ment of  the  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  Cork.  I own 
I have  heard  some  astounding  doctrines,  astounding  to  an 
ignorant  layman,  from  eminent  lawyers  more  than  once  on 
this  subject  (laughter).  Well,  here  again  the  whole  balance 
of  authority  seems  to  have  established  clearly  the  elementary 
proposition  that  whether  this  Parliament  be  the  Imperial 
Parliament  or  not,  the  Imperial  Parliament  as  long  as  it 
continues  in  its  legal  identity  is  possessed  now  as  before  the 
Union  and  before  the  time  of  Grattan’s  Parliament,  of  a 
supremacy  which  is  absolutely  and  in  the  nature  of  things 
inalienable.  It  could  not  part  with  it  if  it  would,  and  it 
would  not  if  it  could.  It  is  quite  true  that  in  constituting 


7^ HE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


289 


a legislature  in  Ireland  we  do,  as  when  we  constituted  a 
legislature  in  Canada  or  Australia,  devolve  an  important 
portion  of  power.  We  devolved  it  with  a view  in  Canada, 
and  I hope  we  shall  do  it  in  Ireland,  not  to  establish  a partial 
and  a nominal,  but  a real  and  practically  independent  man- 
agement of  her  own  affairs  (cheers).  That  is  what  the  right 
hon.  gentleman  objects  to,  and  that  is  the  thing  we  desire 
and  hope  and  mean  to  do  (cheers). 

Imperial  Questions. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  question  may  be  raised,  “ How  do 
you  propose  to  deal  with  questions  that  may  arise  when  the 
Imperial  Government,  notwithstanding  this  general  division 
of  affairs,  may  be  by  the  obligations  of  Imperial  interests 
compelled  to  intervene?”  Well,  my  answer  is,  that  this 
question  has  received  a far  better  solution  from  practical 
politics,  from  the  experience  of  the  last  forty  or  fifty  years, 
than  would  ever  have  been  given  to  it  by  the  definitions 
of  lawyers,  however  eminent.  When  the  Legislature  of 
Canada  was  founded  this  difficulty  arose.  The  question 
arose  in  regard  to  the  Canadian  rebellion.  I myself  for  one, 
and  Lord  Brougham  for  another,  were  of  opinion — I know 
not  now  whether  we  were ‘right  or  wrong — that  the  honor  of 
the  Crown  had  been  invaded  by  a proposition  to  grant  in 
Canada  a vote  for  losses  in  the  rebellion  to  those  who  had 
been  rebels,  and  had  incurred  their  losses  as  rebels.  Lord 
Brougham  made  a motion  in  the  House  of  Lords  in  1849, 
and  I made  a motion  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the 
same  subject.  The  important  part  of  the  debate  consisted 
in  the  declaration  drawn  from  the  Ministers  of  the  Crown. 
Lord  John  Russell  then  laid  down  what  I conceive  to  be 
the  true  and  the  sound  doctrine  in  terms  which  I believe 
may- be  fairly  described  as  classical  and  authoritative  in  the 
manner  of  dealing  with  this  question.  Speaking  in  this 
House  on  the  14th  June,  1849,  Lord  John  Russell  said — 

19 


290 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND, 


“ I entirely  agree  with  the  right  hon.  gentleman,  and  it  is 
indeed  in  conformity  with  the  sentiments  I expressed  in  a 
despatch  which  I wrote  a few  years  ago,  that  there  are 
cases  which  must  be  left  to  the  decision  of  the  responsible 
Ministers  of  the  Crown — there  are  cases  when  the  honour 
of  the  Crown  and  the  safety  of  this  country  are  concerned, 
and  in  such  cases  it  requires  the  utmost  temper  in  the  col- 
onies, and  the  utmost  temper  and  firmness  in  this  country. 
I fully  admit  that  there  are  such  cases.  When  the  right 
hon.  gentleman  goes  on  to  say  that  the  Earl  of  Elgin  has 
received  some  instructions  from  the  Government  of  this 
country  by  which  he  is  debarred  from  asking  the  advice  and 
direction  of  the  Crown  on  questions  that  affect  the  imperial 
policy  and  the  national  honour,  he  is  entirely  mistaken  in  that 
assumption.” 

That  passage  justly  and  practically  sets  forth  the  practical 
mode  in  which  this  question,  difficult  in  the  abstract,  will  be 
settled  as  it  has  been  settled.  We  have  found  it  easy  to 
reconcile  the  rights  of  Canada  with  the  rights  of  the  Imperial 
Parliament.  It  will  be  found  not  more  difficult  to  reconcile 
the  rights  of  Ireland  with  those  of  the  Imperial  Government. 

Vulgar  Slang. 

Constantly  I hear  the  words  “Unionists”  and  “Separ- 
atists,” but  what  I want  to  know*is  who  are  the  Unionists  ? 
(Cheers.)  And  I want  to  know  who  are  the  Separatists  ? I 
see  this  Bill  in  newspapers  of  great  circulation  and  else- 
where described  as  “ The  Separation  Bill  ” (hear,  hear). 
How  members  opposite  adopt  that  style  and  make  the  de- 
scription their  own — speaking  of  this  description  alone  I say 
it  is  the  merest  slang  of  vulgar  controversy  (cheers).  You 
think  this  Bill  tends  to  separation.  Your  arguments,  and 
even  your  prejudices,  are  worthy  of  all  consideration  and 
respect,  but  is  it  fair,  is  it  a rational  mode  of  conducting 
controversy,  to  attach  these  hard  names  to  measures  on 
which  we  differ — on  which  you  argue,  or  desire  to  convince 
by  argument  ? (Hear,  hear).  I will  illustrate  what  I mean. 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


291 


I will  go  back  to  the  time  of  the  Reform  Act  of  Lord  Grey. 
When  the  Bill  was  introduced,  it  was  conscientiously  and 
honestly  believed  by  great  masses  of  men^  intelligent  men, 
that  the  Bill  absolutely  involved  the  destruction  of  the 
monarchy.  The  Duke  of  Wellington  propounded  a doc- 
trine very  much  to  that  effect,  but  I do  not  think  that  any 
of  these  gentlemen  or  of  the  newspapers  that  supported  them 
ever  descended  so  low  in  the  weapons  of  their  warfare  as  to 
brand  it  “ The  Monarchy  Destruction  Bill  (hear,  hear). 

Disunionists. 

Now,  sir,  we  conscientiously  think  that  there  are  Minis- 
terialists and  Disunionists,  but  we  conscientiously  think  that 
our  conduct  tends  to  union  (cheers),  and  yours  to  disunion. 
This  involves  a very  large  and  deep  historical  question. 
Let  us  try  for  a few  minutes  and  look  at  it  historically.  The 
argument  made  from  the  other  side  appears  to  me  to  rest 
on  principle  in  the  main  upon  two  suppositions — one  of  them 
the  idea  of  the  original  depravity  or  incompetency  of  the 
Irish  people.  But  there  is  another — it  is  the  conscientious 
conviction  of  gentlemen  opposite  that  when  two  countries 
associated  but  not  incorporated  with  each  other  are  in  dis- 
turbed relations  with  each  other  the  remedy  is  to  create 
absolute  legislative  incorporation.  That  I believe  is  the 
doctrine  on  their  side  of  the  House,  and  they  believe  the 
dissolution  of  such  an  incorporation  is  clearly  to  bring  about 
a dissolution  of  the  political  relations  between  these  two 
countries  (Opposition  cheers).  What  I say  is  that  the  truth, 
as  proved  by  history,  is  this — that  when  there  are  disturbed 
political  relations  between  countries  that  are  politically 
associated  but  not  incorporated,  the  real  remedy  is  to  make 
provision  for  civil  independence  subject  to  Imperial  unity 
(cheers). 

Union  in  Legislative  Separation. 

Gentlemen  spoke  of  tightening  the  tie  between  this  * 


292 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


country  and  Ireland,  but  tightening  is  not  always  the  way 
to  make  it  binding;  relaxing  it  is  often  the  way  to  make  it 
stronger  and  make  it  stand  a stronger  strain  (cheers).  It 
is  true,  as  was  said  by  the  hon.  member  for  Newcastle  (Mr. 
Cowen),  that  the  severance  of  legislatures  has  often  been 
the  union  of  countries,  and  the  union  of  legislatures  the 
severance  of  countries  (cheers).  Can  you  give  me  a single 
instance  from  all  your  historical  inquiry — and  I must  say  I 
wish  they  had  been  wider  — where  an  acknowledgment  of 
local  self-government  has  been  followed  by  the  severance  of 
countries  ! (A  Voice — Turkey.)  I was  just  going  to  refer  to 
Servia,  and  to  admit  that  where  a third  power  has  intervened 
and  has  given  liberty  to  the  subordinate  state  in  defiance  of 
the  superior  power,  I make  no  claim,  and  if  you  are  to  wait 
till  some  third  power  intervenes  in  the  case  of  Ireland  (Gov- 
ernment and  Parnellite  cheers)  as  intervened  in  the  case  of 
America 

Mr.  Ashmead-Bartlett — We  are  not  afraid. 

Mr.  Gladstone — I never  asked  the  hon.  member  whether 
he  was  afraid  (laughter).  It  does  not  matter  very  much 
whether  he  is  or  not  (renewed  laughter).  I should  like  him, 
however,  to  cultivate  a little  of  that  early  and  provident  fear 
which,  in  the  language  of  Burke,  is  the  mother  of  safety 
(cheers).  I admit  that  in  cases  such  as  when  France  and 
Spain  interfered  in  the  case  of  America,  you  can  expect 
nothing  but  severance,  and  severance  with  hostile  feelings 
on  both  sides  (hear,  hear).  But  that  is  not  the  case  before 
us;  and  I ask  you  for  an  instance  where,  apart  from  the 
intervention  by  force  by  a third  Power,  the  acknowledgment 
of  local  independence  has  been  followed  by  severance  ? 
(cheers). 


Cases  of  Separation. 

I will  show  where  severance  did  follow.  In  the  case  of 
Belgium  and  Holland,  the  attempt  to  make  the  Belgians 


THE  GEE  A T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE, 


293 


conform  to  the  ways  and  conditions  and  institutions  of  Hol- 
land led  to  the  severance  of  the  two  countries.  In  the  case 
of  Denmark  and  the  Duchies,  the  attempt  to  do  what  hon. 
gentlemen  wish  to  do  in  Ireland — namely,  to  force  Danish 
institutions  and  ideas  on  the  Duchies,  together  with  the  in- 
sufficient acknowledgment  of  the  ancient  institutions  of 
those  Duchies,  ended  in  the  total  loss  of  the  Duchies  to 
Denmark,  and  they  are  now  severed  and  incorporated  in 
another  political  connection.  But  let  us  not  look  simply  at 
the  negative  side.  Where  local  independence  has  been 
acknowledged,  and  legislative  severance  given  in  a number 
of  cases  it  has  been  made  practicable  to  hold  countries 
together  that  otherwise  would  not  have  been  so  held. 

Arguments  from  History. 

The  hon.  member  opposite  imprudently  interrupted  me 
by  calling  out  “ Turkey.”  I will  tell  him  that  in  the  case  of 
Turkey,  with  its  imperfect  organization,  where  there  has  not 
been  violent  interference,  and  the  matter  has  not  been  driven 
to  the  point  of  foreign  interference,  local  autonomy  has 
been  tried  with  the  best  effects.  In  the  Island  of  Crete, 
which  nearly  twenty  years  ago  appeared  almost  lost  to 
Turkey,  the  lessening  of  the  ties  at  Constantinople  has  im- 
mensely improved  the  relations  between  the  two — there  is 
no  renewal  of  rebellion. 

Lord  R.  Churchill — Chronic  revolution. 

Mr.  Gladstone — Chronic  revolution!  Give  me  a test  of 
chronic  revolution.  Has  Crete  paid  its  tributes  ? Has  it 
called  for  the  armed  forces  of  Turkey  to  put  down  revolu- 
tion ? Take  the  case  of  Lebanon.  About  twenty-three  or 
twenty-four  years  ago  the  Lebanon  was  in  a state  of  a 
chronic  revolution,  and  was  under  the  absolute  sway  of 
Constantinople.  It  was  then  placed  under  a system  of 
practically  local  independence,  and  from  that  day  to  this  it 
has  never  resumed  its  fornier  condition.  There  is  the  still 


294 


THE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND, 


more  remarkable  case  of  the  Island  of  Samos,  which  has 
enjoyed  for  a length  of  time  complete  autonomy,  and  is 
now  in  a state  of  attachment  *to  the  Turkish  Empire,  while 
contentment  with  the  political  tie  subsists  and  holds  that 
country  in  tranquility  (cheers).  So  that  even  Turkey  bears 
testimony  to  the  principle  of  which  I speak  (cheers). 

Remarkable  Precedents. 

There  is  the  case  of  Norway  and  Sweden — that  is  most 
remarkable,  because  those  are  two  countries  which  are  com- 
pletely separated,  and  yet  a connection  or  union  has  been 
found  practicable  only  by  means  of  the  largest  autonomy 
and  independence.  The  case  of  Denmark  and  Iceland — 
(Opposition  laughter) — laughter  is  a very  common  weapon, 
and  it  is  very  difficult  for  me  to  contend  with  it.  If  it  had 
been  twenty  or  thirty  or  forty  years  ago  I could  have  con- 
tended with  this  interruption  more  easily  (loud  cheers).  It 
has  been  said  that  the  Parliament  of  Iceland  has  been  dis- 
solved. It  has  been  dissolved.  It  has  been  said  that  there 
have  been  difficulties  in  Iceland.  There  have  been  difficul- 
ties between  the  Parliament  of  Iceland  and  the  Crown  of 
Denmark,  but  the  Crown  of  Denmark  is  unhappily  in  difficul- 
ties with  the  legislative  body  of  Denmark,  but  between  the 
legislative  body  of  Denmark  and  the  legislative  body  of 
Iceland  there  have  been  no  difficulties  whatever. 

The  Argument  of  Distance. 

But  when  my  right  hon.  friend  the  Under  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Colonies  in  his  admirable  speech  quoted  the 
case  of  Iceland,  gentlemen  opposite,  with  their  mode  of 
rebuke,  laughed,  and  some  one,  I think,  endeavouring  to 
dignify  the  laughter — to  decorate  the  laughter  with  an  idea 
(laughter  and  cheers)  called  out — Distance — Iceland  is  so 
distant ! ’'  Well,  if  Iceland  is  so  distant  I apprehend  that 
makes  it  a great  deal  more  difficult  for  Denmark  to  hold 


THE  GEE  A T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


295 


her  down  by  force,  and,  consequently,  much  more  necessary 
for  Denmark  to  choose  the  method  best  in  itself  for  secur- 
ing order. 

Finland. 

But  if  you  object  on  account  of  distance,  what  do  you  say 
of  the  case  of  Finland?  Is  Finland  distant  from  Russia? 
Are  you  aware  of  the  social  and  political  difficulties  which 
have  so  often  threatened  the  peace  of  Russia,  and  been  fatal 
to  the  lives — to  the  life  not  many  years  ago  of  one  of  the 
worthiest  and  best  of  its  sovereigns.  Discontent  has  no 
place  in  Finland.  And  why  ? Because  Finland  has  a 
perfect  legislative  autonomy — the  management  of  its  own 
affairs,  the  preservation  of  its  own  institutions — which  has 
given  a contentment  to  Finland  which  might  be  envied  in 
many  nations  and  more  famous  parts  of  the  world. 

Austria 

The  case  of  Austria  is  the  most  remarkable,  perhaps,  of 
all.  I will  not  speak  now  of  Hungary  and  Austria,  which 
were  referred  to  by  my  hon.  friend  the  member  for  East 
Edinburgh,  further  than  to  say,  I believe  he  is  entirely  wrong 
as  to  the  practical  purpose  in  which  he  spoke  of  the  mixture 
of  Executive  Governments.  I may  lay  down  this  proposi- 
tion without  fear  of  contradiction.  I believe  there  is  no 
mixture  whatever  of  Executive  Government,  so  far  as  local 
affairs  are  concerned.  As  far  as  general  affairs  are  con- 
cerned it  is  a different  matter,  and  that  was  referred  to  by 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  the  member  for  Chelsea;  but  there 
is  a perfect  independence  between  Austria  and  Hungary  so 
far  as  local  affairs  are  concerned,  and  I should  say  the  case 
is  surrounded  with  difficulties  infinitely  transcending  any  of 
those  before  us.  But  it  is  not  Austria  and  Hungary  alone. 
It  is  not  too  much  to  say  of  Austria  that  that  great  empire, 
with  the  multitude  of  States ‘of  which  it  is  composed,  is  held 
together  by  local  autonomy;  she  is  held  by  that  and  by 


296 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


nothing  else.  Long  may  she  flourish  upon  the  basis  of  the 
acknowledgment  of  this  enlightened  principle, 

Gallicia. 

The  most  remarkable  case  of  all  is  the  case  of  Gallicia, 
for  Gallicia  is  inhabited  by  Poles,  and  Austria  has  one  of 
the  fragments  of  that  unhappy  and  dissevered  country  under 
her  charge.  Well,  I need  not  speak  of  Russia  and  Poland. 
Even  in  Prussia  the  relations  of  Prussian  Poland  are  at  this 
moment  the  subject  of  the  most  serious  difficulty.  There  is 
no  difficulty  between  Gallicia  and  Austria.  Why  ? Because 
Gallicia,  on  the  principle  of  trust  and  confidence,  has  been 
invested  with  the  full  practical  power  and  management  of 
her  own  affairs.  Now,  sir,  there  are  four  challenges.  I 
have  given  a multitude  of  instances  on  the  side  of  the  pro- 
position we  hold,  which  is,  that  the  severance  we  propose  to 
make  for  local  purposes  between  the  Irish  legislative  body 
and  the  Parliament  meeting  within  these  walls  is  not  a mode 
of  disunion,  but  a closer  union — not  a mode  of  separation, 
but  a mode  of  obstructing  and  preventing  the  possibility  of 
separation. 

Canada. 

I must  say  a word  upon  the  case  of  Canada,  because  it  is 
so  remarkable,  and  notwithstanding  the  circumstantial  differ- 
ences between  Canada  and  Great  Britain,  yet  still  the  re- 
semblances in  principles  are  so  profound  and  significant. 
Sir,  my  right  hon.  friend  the  member  for  West  Birmingham 
has  found  that  legislative  councils  were  introduced  into 
Canada  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  minority.  Where 
did  he  find  that?  (Cheers.)  I have  gone  over  the  very 
lengthened  debates  in  Parliament  on  the  appointment  of 
legislative  councils  in  Canada  in  1791,  and  from  the  beginn- 
ing to  the  end  of  those  debates,  while  the  cpiestion  of  the 
legislative  councils  was  abundantly  discussed,  there  was  not 
a word  of  them  being  appointed  for  the  protecting  of  the 


THE  GEE  A T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


297 


minority.  I do  not  rest  merely  on  criticism  of  that  kind. 
The  case  of  Canada  shows  two  things — in  the  first  place 
that  in  the  years  between  1830  and  1840  Great  Britain  and 
Canada  had  most  formidable  differences.  Those  differences 
were  completely  cured  and  healed  by  the  establishment  of  re- 
sponsible government,  and  those  differences  were  absolutely 
cured  by  the  very  remedy  that  we  now  propose  in  the  case 
of  Ireland  (cheers).  But  after  that  what  happened  ? All  the 
provinces  changed  most  fundamentally  in  relative  importance 
and  the  stereotyped  arrangements  of  the  Union  were  totally 
inadequate  to  dealing  with  this  altered  condition  of  the  pro- 
vinces themselves.  Now  recollect  that  those  provinces 
were  united  provinces  with  one  Legislature.  Discord  arose 
between  them.  What  was  the  mode  adopted  of  curing  that 
discord,  the  mode  that  we  propose — the  severance  of  the 
legislative  functions  and  the  establishment  of  an  extended 
Union  under  which  at  this  moment  with  multiplied  legisla- 
tures there  is  among  the  provinces  substantial  harmony 
(loud  cheers).  I have  disinclination  to  go  into  history  ap- 
plicable to  this  case.  It  will  be  unfolded  more  and  more  as 
the  debates  go  forward,  and  when  that  is  done  the  more  and 
more  it  will  be  shown  how  sound  and  strong  is  the  founda- 
tion on  which  we  stand,  and  on  which  Fox  stood  eighty-six 
years  ago  (hear,  hear). 

The  Irish  People  not  in  Sympathy  with  the 
Present  Law. 

Now,  I am  asked  in  this  debate  why  have  we  gone  to  all 
this  trouble  and  why  have  we  put  aside  the  business  of  Par- 
liament and  thrown  the  country  into  agitation  for  the  sake 
of  the  Irish  people  (hear,  hear).  That  is  exactly  what  I 
want  (laughter).  Well,  sir,  the  reason  is  this — because  in 
Ireland  the  primary  purposes  of  Government  are  not  at- 
tained. What  asked  the  member  for  Newcastle  in  his  elo- 
quent speech  ? He  said  that  in  a considerable  part  of 


298 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


Ireland  there  is  great  distress,  chronic  destitution,  and  oc- 
casional insurrections.  The  dreadful  murder,  in  Kerry,  as 
well  as  the  dreadful  murder  in  Belfast,  is  equally  as  signifi- 
cant of  the  weakness  of  the  ties  that  bind  the  people  to  the 
laws  (hear,  hear).  Sir,  it  is  that  you  have  not  got  that 
respect  for  the  law,  that  sympathy  with  the  law  on  the  part 
of  the  people,  without  which  real  civilization  cannot  exist. 

A Pious  Belief. 

I come  to  another  pious  belief  which  is  largely  entertained 
on  the  other  side  of  the  House.  We  are  told  that  from 
1800  upwards  England  has  been  engaged  in  remedial  legisla- 
tion and  the  repressing  of  grievances  — as,  for  instance. 
Catholic  Emancipation  — which,  however,  was  granted  in 
order  to  avoid  civil  war  (Home  Rule  cheers).  Mr.  O’Con- 
nell estimated  the  suffering  population  in  this  country  at  five 
millions  out  of  seven  millions.  Sir  James  Graham,  in 
debate  with  him,  declined  to  admit  the  five  millions,  but 
admitted  three  and  a half  millions.  In  1815  Parliament 
passed  an  Act  declaring  that  from  the  state  of  the  law  in 
Ireland  the  old  and  intertangled  usages  of  Irish  law  replaced 
in  an  imperfect  manner  the  tribal  usages  on  which  landed 
tenures  in  Ireland  were  founded.  Parliament  swept  them 
away,  and  exposed  the  tenant  to  the  action  of  the  landlord, 
but  did  nothing  to  relieve  the  terrible  distress  which  was 
finally  disclosed  by  the  Devon  Commission.  In  1820  the 
sheriff  of  Dublin  and  the  gentry  of  the  county  determined 
to  have  a county  meeting  to  present  an  address  to  George 
IV.  The  trial  of  Queen  Caroline  was  just  over,  and  at  the 
meeting  a county  address  was  moved  warm  in  the  expres- 
sions of  loyalty,  but  setting  out  the  grievances  of  the  country 
and  condemning  the  proceedings  against  the  Queen.  The 
High  Sheriff  refused  to  put  the  motion,  and  he  left  the 
meeting  and  sent  the  military,  and  the  meeting  was  broken 
uj)  by  force,  d’liat  was  the  state  of  Ireland  cis  to  freedom 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


299 


of  petition  and  remonstrance  twenty  years  after  the  Union 
(cheers).  Do  you  suppose  that  would  have  been  the  case 
if  Ireland  had  retained  her  own  Parliament  (cheers). 

He  Puts  a Dilemma. 

It  is  impossible  to  stand  upon  the  legislation  of  this  House 
as  a whole  since  the  Union.  I sometimes  hear  it  said  you 
had  all  kinds  of  remedial  legislation,  and  what  do  you  say 
of  that  ? The  remedial  legislation  had  for  its  chief  items 
the  disestablishment  of  the  Church  and  the  change  of  the 
Land  laws.  You  say  that  the  change  of  the  Land  laws  was 
confication  and  that  the  disestablishment  of  the  Church 
was  sacrilege,  but  we  cannot  at  the  same  time  condemn 
these  two  measures  as  confiscation  and  sacrilege  and  likewise 
as  proofs  of  what  justice  you  are  prepared  to  deal  with 
Ireland  (cheers).  I say  that  we  propose  this  measure  because 
Ireland  wants  to  make  her  own  laws.  It  is  not  enough  to 
say  that  you  make  good  laws  for  her,  and  you  were  prepared 
to  make  good  laws  for  the  colonies  according  to  your  lights, 
but  they  were  dissatisfied  with  them.  Ireland,  in  our  opin- 
ions, has  a claim  to  this  home  Parfiament  (hear,  hear). 

Mr.  Chamberlain's  Sails. 

And  now,  sir,  what  is  before  us  if  we  venture  upon  the 
rejection  of  this  Bill  ? Here  I must  comment  upon  the 
fertile  imagination  of  my  right  hon.  friend  the  member  for 
West  Birmingham  (Mr.  Chamberlain).  He  has  prepared 
alternative  plans  and  plenty  of  them  (hear,  hear,  and 
laughter).  He  says  that  the  dissolution  has  no  terrors  for 
him.  Well,  he  cannot  absolutely  have  any  fear  of  a dis- 
solution, because  he  has  so  trimmed  his  sails  and  touched 
his  rudder  that  no  matter  what  winds  of  heaven  blow  they 
musl  fill  his  sails  (Irish  cheers).  I will  illustrate  my  mean- 
ing. I will  suppose  that  the  general  election — I mean  the 
general  election  which,  like  Christmas,  is  always  coming 


300 


7^ HE  STOR  Y OF  IRELAND, 


(laughter) — supposing  that  then  the  public  opinion  should 
be  very  strongly  for  the  Bill,  my  right  hon.  friend  could 
turn  round  and  say,  “1  declared  strongly  for  it,  for  I 
adopted  the  principle  of  the  Bill.’*  On  the  other  hand,  if 
public  opinion  should  be  unfavourable  to  the  Bill  he  will  be 
in  complete  harmony  with  it,  for  he  could  say,  “Yes,  I voted 
against  it”  (loud  laughter). 

Birmingham  Tricks. 

This  Bill  of  the  Government  is  described  by  some  as  not 
a very  large  plan  of  Home  Government  for  Ireland,  but  my 
right  hon.  friend  can  say  to  those  who  do  not  think  it  large 
enough  that  it  was  not  large  enough  for  him,  because  he 
proposed  an  extension  of  the  Bill  on  the  basis  of  federation, 
which  would  go  beyond  this  Bill  (loud  laughter  and  cheers); 
and,  last  of  all — and  1 have  now  very  nearly  boxed  the  com- 
pass (laughter) — if  public  opinion  should  take  a different 
turn,  and  should  demand  a very  small  measure  for  Ireland, 
still  the  resources  of  my  right  hon.  friend  are  not  near  ex- 
haustion, because  he  is  able  to  point  out  that  he  had  pro- 
posed the  four  provincial  councils  controlled  from  London 
(laughter  and  cheers).  I should  be  tempted  to  ask  for  the 
secret  of  my  right  hon.  friend’s  preparations  for  all  occa- 
sions; but  I am  too  old  to  learn.  But  I cannot  wonder  why 
a dissolution  has  no  terror  for  him,  with  such  a series  of 
expedients  to  meet  the  possibilities  of  the  case  (hear,  hear, 
and  laughter).  Do  the  right  hon.  gentleman’s  suggestions 
afford  a practical  alternative,  or  are  they  not  rather  the 
visonary  creations  of  a vivid  imagination  born  of  the  hour 
and  perishing  with  the  hour  (Ministerial  and  Irish  cheers) — 
totally  and  absolutely  unavailable  for  the  solution,  of  a great 
and  difficult  political  problem,  the  weight  and  urgency  of 
which  my  right  hon.  friend  himself  in  other  days  has  seemed 
to  feel  (cheers). 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE, 


301 


The  Coercion  Rival. 

Well,  I do  not  say  now  that  our  plan  is  in  possession  of 
the  field  without  a rival — Lord  Salisbury  has  given  us  a rival 
(cheers).  My  first  remark  is  that  Lord  Salisbury’s  policy 
has  not  been  disavowed.  It  is  therefore  adopted.  What 
is  it  ? Great  complaints  are  made  because  it  is  called  a 
policy  of  coercion,  and  Lord  Salisbury  is  stated  to  have  ex- 
plained in  another  place  that  he  is  not  favourable  to  coercion, 
but  only  to  legislative  provisions  for  preventing  interference 
by  one  man  with  the  liberty  of  another  and  for  ensuring  the 
regular  execution  of  the  law  (Opposition  cheers).  Was  that 
your  view  six  months  ago  ? (Ministerial  and  Irish  cheers.) 
What  did  the  Liberal  Government  propose  when  they  left 
office  ? They  proposed  to  enact  clauses  against  boycotting. 

Lord  R.  Churchill — No,  they  did  not.  They  never 
made  that  proposal  to  Parliament  (cheers). 

Mr.  Gladstone — Certainly  not;  but  it  was  publicly  stated 
in  my  letter  to  the  right  hon.  gentleman  opposite  (Opposi- 
tion cries  of  ‘‘ No,”  and  Irish  cries  of  “ Order  ”)-^it  was 
stated  by  me  in  a letter*  I wrote  in  order  to  correct  a gross 
error  on  the  part  of  the  right  hon.  gentleman  as  to  what  we 
had  intended  when  we  were  going  out  of  office  (Opposition 
cries  of  “ No  ”),  and  unless  I am  very  much  mistaken  it  had 
been  publicly  stated  by  me  in  this  House  (cheers). 

Sir  William  Harcourt — Certainly. 

Mr.  Gladstone — ‘The  right  hon.  gentleman’s  memory  is 
the  same  as  mine.  What  were  the  proposals  that  we  were 
about  to  make,  or  were  supposed  to  be  about  to  make  ? 
Well,  a proposal  about  boycotting — to  prevent  one  man 
from  interfering  with  the  liberty  of  another,  and  a proposal 
for  changing  the  venue  to  secure  the  regular  execution  of 
the  ordinary  law — and  how  were  these  proposals  viewed  ? 
Did  not  the  Tories  go  to  the  elections  putting  upon  their 
placards,  “ Vote  for  the  Tories  and  no  coercion  ? ” (Minis- 
terial and  Irish  cheers  and  laughter,  and  Opposition  cries 


302 


THE  STOI^Y  OF  IRELAND. 


of  “ No,  no.”)  I do  not  say  every  Tory  did  it  (laughter). 
The  hon.  and  gallant  baronet  (Sir  W.  Barttelot)  (cries  of 

“ No  ”). 1 have  no  doubt  he  did  not  do  it.  He  had  no 

Irish  voters  (Ministerial  and  Irish  laughter  and  cheers). 

Sir  Walter  Barttelot — If  I had  had  I would  have 
done  it. 

Mr.  Gladstone — Would,  or  would  not  ? 

Sir  W.  Barttelot — Would  have  done  it  (laughter). 

Mr.  Gladstone — But  I say  these  are  the  proposals  which 
were  defined  as  coercion  by  the  Tories  at  the  election  (cries 
of  No,”  and  cheers),  and  which  Lord  Salisbury  now  denies 
to  be  coercion,  and  it  has  been  presented  with  the  loudest 
manifestations  of  displeasure  when  anyone  on  this  side  of 
the  House  says  these  proposals  are  coercion,  and  that  he 
has  recommended,  as  he  says  himself,  twenty  years  of  these 
proposals,  which  last  year  were  denounced  by  the  Tories 
(cheers). 

Salisbury’s  Words. 

Very  well,  sir,  I have  no  more  to  say  on  that  point.  What 
were  Lord  Salisbury’s  words?  They  were  these  — “My 
alternate  policy  is  that  Parliament  should  enable  the  Govern- 
ment of  England  to  govern  Ireland.”  What  is  the  mean- 
ing of  these  words  ? Their  meaning  is,  in  the  first  instance, 
this — The  Government  does  not  want  the  aid  of  Parliament 
to  exercise  the  executive  power.  It  wants  the  aid  of  Parlia- 
ment for  fresh  legislation.  If  it  wants  aid  from  Parliament 
to  enable  it  to  govern  Ireland  that  implies  a demand 
for  fresh  legislative  powers  (cheers).  Lord  Salisbury 
continued — 

“Apply  the  recipe  honestly,  consistently,  and  resolutely 
for  twenty  years,  and  at  the  end  of  that  time  he’ll  find  that 
Ireland  will  be  fit  to  accept  any  gift  in  the  way  of  local 
government  or  the  repeal  of  the  coercive  laws  (cheers),  that 
you  may  wish  to  give.” 


THE  GREA  T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


303 


And  yet  complaints  of  misrepresentation  teem  from  that 
side  of  the  House,  because  gentlemen  on  this  side  of  the 
House  say  that  Lord  Salisbury  recommended  coercion,  he 
having  himself  applied  that  term  to  the  laws  he  proposed  to 
pass  (cheers). 

The  Time. 

There  is  another  question  which  was  put  to  me  by  my 
hon.  friend  the  member  for  Bermondsey  (Mr.  Thorold 
Rogers),  in  the  course  of  an  excellent  and  most  instructive 
speech.  My  hon.  friend,  kindly  as  he  was  disposed  to  view 
the  proceedings  of  the  Government,  yet  had  serious  misgiv- 
ing on  one  point — that  of  time.  He  doubted  whether  we 
were  right  in  introducing  this  measure  and  undertaking  this 
responsibility  now.  He  did  not  contest  the  principle,  but 
intimated  a doubt  as  to  the  moment  chosen  for  applying  it. 
No  doubt  a great  controversy  has  been  raised  as  to  this, 
but  I must  ask  my  hon.  friend  to  consider  what  would  have 
taken  place  had  we  hesitated  about  the  one  before  us — had 
we  used  the  constant  efforts  that  would  have  been  necessary 
to  keep  the  late  Government  in  office,  and  allow  them  to 
persevere  in  their  intentions.  On  the  26th  January  they 
proposed  what  we  term  a measure  of  coercion,  and  I think 
we  are  justified  in  so  terming  it,  because  any  attempt  to  put 
down  a political  association  can  hardly  have  another  name. 
I think  it  not  to  be  denied  that  such  legislation  must  have 
been  accompanied  by  legislation  against  the  Press  and 
against  public  meetings  and  other  legislation,  without  which 
it  would  have  been  totally  ineffective  (cheers).  Now  would 
it  have  been  better  if  this  controversy  had  been  avoided  ? 
I am  sensible  of  its  evils.  It  is  better  that  parties  should 
be  matched  on  the  question  of  giving  a great  boon  to  Ire- 
land rather  than  that  they  should — as  they  would  if  the 
policy  of  the  29th  January  had  proceeded — matched  in 
conflict,  while  the  whole  country  would  have  each  town  in 
dispute  on  a policy  of  a great  measure  of  coercion  (hear). 


304 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


The  Voice  of  Ireland. 

My  second  reason  is  this — my  hon.  friends  recollect  that 
this  is  the  earliest  moment  in  our  Parliamentary  history  when 
we  have  had  the  voice  of  Ireland  authentically  expressed 
here.  Majorities  of  Irish  Home  Rulers  there  have  been  in 
former  times,  but  never  have  they  been  brought  together  for 
such  a purpose;  but  now  for  the  first  time  they  can  inform 
the  House  that  for  the  first  time  they  are  able  to  deal  with 
the  House,  and  able  to  tell  the  House  authentically,  what 
are  the  wants  and  wishes  of  Ireland  and  what  she  will  do 
(hear,  hear).  As  we  ourselves  enter  into  the  strongest  moral 
obligations  by  the  steps  we  are  taking  in  this  House,  so  we 
have  practically  Ireland  under  her  representatives’  system 
able  to  give  us  equally  authentic  assurances,  the  breach  and 
rupture  of  which  would  cover  Ireland  with  disgrace  (cheers). 
Another  reason  not  unimportant,  which  on  various  accounts 
I will  not  dwell  on  at  length,  is  that  I feel  that  any  attempt 
to  palter  with  the  demand  of  Ireland  so  conveyed  in  a form 
known  to  the  constitution,  any  repetition  of  a conciliatory 
proposal,  must  have  the  effect  that  none  of  us  can  desire — 
the  strengthening  of  that  party  which  is  behind  the  back  of 
the  Irish  representatives  which  skulks  in  America,  which 
skulks  in  Ireland,  but  which,  I trust,  is  losing  ground  and 
losing  force,  and  will  lose  ground  and  will  lose  force  in  pro- 
portion as  this  Bill  makes  way  (cheers.) 

A Magnificent  Peroration. 

I cannot  dismiss  from  consideration  the  consequences  that 
must  follow  on  its  rejection.  What  is  the  case  of  Ireland 
at  this  moment  ? Have  gentlemen  considered  that  they  are 
going  into  conflict  with  a nation?  (Cheers.)  Can  anything 
stop  a nation’s  demand  except  its  being  proved  immoderate 
and  unsafe?  P>ut  here  are  multitudes  of  us,  and  I believe 
millions  upon  millions  out  of  doors,  who  believe  the  demand 
is  neither  immoderate  nor  unsafe  (cheers).  In  our  opinion 


THE  GEE  A T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


305 


there  is  but  one  opinion  before  us  as  to  the  demand — it  is 
as  to  the  time  and  circumstances  of  granting  it.  There  is 
no  question  in  our  minds  that  it  will  be  granted  (cheers). 
We  wish  it  to  be  granted  in  the  mode  described  by  Mr. 
Burke  when  he  said  in  his  speech  at  Bristol — 

I adhere  to  my  old,  standing,  invariable  principle  that  all 
things  that  come  from  Great  Britain  to  Ireland  should  issue 
as  the  gift  of  her  bounty  and  beneficence  rather  than  as  a 
claim  recovered  against  a struggling  litigant,  as  a provis- 
ion of  your  wisdom  and  foresight,  not  as  wrung  from  you 
with  your  blood  by  the  cruel  grip  of  a rigid  necessity. 

The  difference  between  giving  with  freedom  and  dignity 
on  the  one  side,  and  accepting  with  acknowledgment  and 
gratitude  on  the  other,  and  giving  under  compulsion — giving 
with  disgrace,  with  resentment  dogging  you  at  every  step  of 
your  path.  The  difference  is  in  our  eyes  fundamental,  and 
this  is  the  main  reason  not  only  why  we  have  acted,  but  why 
we  have  acted  now  (cheers).  This,  if  I understand  it,  is 
one  of  the  golden  opportunities  which  come  and  go  and 
rarely  return — they  return,  if  at  all,  at  long  intervals,  and 
under  circumstances  which  no  man  can  forecast  (hear,  hear). 
There  have  been  such  golden  moments,  even  in  the  politi- 
cal history  of  Ireland — even  in  the  tragic  history  of  Ireland. 
As  her  poet  says — 

“ One  time  the  harp  of  Innisfail  was  tuned  to  notes  of  gladness,” 
and  then  he  goes  on  to  say — 

“ But  yet  it  oftener  tells  a tale  of  all-prevailing  sadness.” 

But  there  was  such  a golden  moment.  It  was  in  1795. 
It  was  in  the  mission  of  Lord  Fitzwilliam,  and  at  that 
moment  it  is  historically  clear  that  the  Parliament  of  Grattan 
was  on  the  point  of  solving  the  Irish  problem.  The  two 
great  knots  of  that  problem  were,  in  the  first  place,  Roman 
Catholic  Emancipation,  and  in  the  second  place,  the  reform 
20 


306 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


of  Parliament  (hear,  hear)  The  cup  was  at  her  lips,  and 
she  rose  ready  to  drink  it  when  the  hand  of  England  rudely 
and  ruthlessly  dashed  it  to  the  ground  in  obedience  to  the 
wild  and  dangerous  intimidation  of  an  Irish  faction.  There 
has  been  no  great  day  of  hope  for  Ireland — no  day  when 
we  might  hope  completely  and  definitely  to  end  the  con- 
troversy, until  now.  After  more  than  ninety  years,  the  long 
periodic  time  has  at  last  run  out  (cheers)  and  her  star  again 
mounted  into  the  heavens.  What  Ireland  was  doing  for 
herself  in  1795  we  at  length  have  done.  The  Roman  Catho- 
lics have  been  emancipated — emancipated  after  a woeful 
disregard  of  solemn  promises  through  twenty-nine  years — 
emancipated  slowly,  suddenly,  not  from  good  will,  but  from 
abject  terror,  and  with  all  the  fruits  and  consequences  that 
will  always  follow  that  method  of  legislation  (Parnellite 
cheers).  The  second  problem  has  been  also  solved — the 
representation  of  Ireland  has  been  thoroughly  reformed,  and 
I am  thankful  to  say  the  franchise  was  given  to  Ireland  on 
the  readjustment  of  last  year  with  a free  heart,  and  the  gift 
of  that  franchise  was  the  last  act  required  to  make  the  suc- 
cess of  Ireland  in  her  final  effort  absolutely  sure  (loud 
cheers).  We  have  given  Ireland  a voice — we  must  listen 
for  a moment  to  what  she  says  (cheers).  We  must  all  listen, 
both  sides,  both  parties,  as  they  are  divided,  I am  afraid, 
by  an  almost  unmeasurable  distance.  But  we  do  not  under- 
value the  forces  that  are  against  us.  I have  described  them 
as  the  forces  of  class  and  dependents,  and  that  although  a 
general  description  in  slight  and  rude  outline,  is  I believe  a 
pretty  accurate  one  (cheers).  I do  not  deny  that  many  are 
against  us  whom  we  should  have  expected  to  be  with  us; 
but  on  the  other  side  what  have  you  ? You  have  wealth,  you 
have  rank,  you  have  station,  you  have  organization,  and 
you  have  power.  What  have  we  ? We  think  we  have  the 
people’s  hearts  (cheers).  We  believe  and  know  that  we  have 
the  promise  of  the  harvest  of  the  future  (loud  cheers).  As 


THE  GEE  A T HOME  RULE  DEB  A TE. 


307 


to  the  people’s  hearts  you  may  dispute  it,  and  dispute  it 
with  perfect  sincerity.  It  is  a matter  about  which  you  may 
ask  for  proof.  As  to  the  harvest  of  the  future,  I doubt  if 
you  have  so  much  confidence,  and  I believe  that  there  is  in 
the  breast  of  many  a man  who  means  to  vote  against  us  to- 
night a profound  misgiving  approaching  even  in  some  places 
to  a deep  conviction  (hear,  hear)  that  the  end  will  not  be 
as  we  foresee  it,  and  not  as  you  foresee  it,  but  that  the  ebb- 
ing tide  is  with  you  and  the  flowing  tide  is  with  us  (loud 
cheers).  There  it  stands.  Ireland  stands  at  your  bar  ex- 
pectant, hopeful,  almost  suppliant.  Her  words  are  the  words 
of  truth  and  soberness  (cries  of  “Oh,”  and  cheers).  She 
asks  a blessed  oblivion,  and  in  that  oblivion  we  have  an  in- 
terest deeper  than  hers  (cheers).  The  right  hon.  gentleman 
the  member  for  East  Edinburgh  (Mr.  Goschen)  has  asked 
us  not  to  abide  by  the  traditions  of  which  we  are  the  heirs. 
By  what  traditions  ? By  the  Irish  traditions  (cheers)?  Go 
over  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  world,  ransack  the  litera- 
ture of  all  countries,  and  find  if  you  can  a single  voice  or  so 
much  as  a newspaper  article,  unless  it  be  the  product  of  the 
day,  in  which  the  conduct  of  England  towards  Ireland  is 
anywhere  treated  except  with  profound  and  bitter  condemna- 
tion (cheers).  Are  these  the  traditions  by  which  we  are  ex- 
horted to  stand  ? No,  they  are  sad  exceptions  to  the  glory 
of  our  country — they  are  more  than  a dark  blot  upon  the 
pages  of  its  history,  and  what  we  wish  to  do  is  to  stand  by 
the  traditions  of  which  we  are  the  heirs  in  all  matters  except 
our  relations  with  Ireland,  and  to  make  our  relations  to  Ire- 
land conform  to  the  other  traditions  of  our  country  (cheers). 
So  we  have  treated  our  colonies.  So  I hail  the  demand  of 
Ireland  for  what  I call  a blessed  oblivion  of  the  past.  She 
asks  also  a boon  for  the  future,  and  that  boon  for  the  future, 
unless  we  are  much  mistaken,  will  be  a boon  to  us  not  less 
than  to  her  of  prosperity  and  peace.  Think,  I beseech  you, 
next  for  the  moment  but  for  the  years  that  are  to  come,  be- 


308 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


fore  you  reject  this  Bill  (loud  and  prolonged  cheering,  dur- 
ing which  the  right  hon.  gentleman  resumed  his  seat). 

THE  DIVISION. 

At  ten  minutes  past  one  o'clock  on  Tuesday  morning  the 
question  was  put.  When  the  Ayes  were  invited  to  give 
voice  to  their  opinion  they  shouted  loudly  in  response,  and 
the  Noes,  when  their  turn  came,  endeavored  to  produce  an 
equal  volume  of  sound.  The  Speaker  gave  it  as  his  opinion 
that  the  Ayes  had  it,  but  that  was  noisily  challenged,  and 
the  House  was  cleared  for  the  division. 

The  numbers  were — 

For  the  second  reading  ....  311 

Against 341 

Majority  against  the  Bill  ....  30 

As  soon  as  the  handing  of  the  paper  to  the  Opposition 
teller  showed  which  way  the  division  had  gone  the  members 
of  the  Opposition  rose  in  their  places  and  waved  their  hats, 
and  when  the  numbers  were  announced  by  the  tellers  re- 
peated the  cheering. 


WHAT  WILL  SATISFY  THE  IRISH 
PEOPLE 


BY 


MICHAEL  DAVITT. 


WHAT  WILL  SATISFY  THE  IRISH  PEOPLE? 

The  question  is  frequently  asked,  What  will  satisfy 
the  Irish  people  ? ” And  the  answer  is  as  frequently 
volunteered,  Nothing.  Nothing  will  satisfy  them 
but  total  separation — and  that  they  won’t  get.”  It  an 
illogical  way  of  answering  a question,  but  pardonable  in  an 
Englishman;  and  the  impatience  which  it  manifests  is  also 
strikingly  characteristic.  Your  ordinary  Englishman  enter- 
tains the  pretty  conceit  that  English  rule  is  of  such  a benefi- 
cent character  that  any  people  who  do  not  tamely  submit 
to  it  are  to  be  pitied  and — dragooned.  While  in  particular, 
the  Irish  people,  for  their  obstinacy  in  refusing  to  see  any 
virtue  in  English  rule  in  Ireland,  “must  be  clearly  made 
to  understand,”  and  “must  be  told  once  for  all,”  that 
England  will  maintain  her  hold  upon  Ireland  at  all  costs. 
All  this  talk  is  indulged  in  really  for  the  sake  of  concealing 
the  chagrin  which  England  experiences  in  consequence  of 
the  fact,  revealed  in  recent  years,  that  the  people  of  Ireland 
have  discovered  how  to  make  it  more  difficult  for  England 
to  rule  Ireland  than  to  govern  all  the  rest  of  her  vast  empire 
put  together.  English  statesmen,  even  now,  are  devising  a 
middle  course  between  things  as  they  are,  and  total  separa- 
tion. They  are  casting  about  for  a scheme  which  will  com- 
bine the  characteristics  of  modern  statesmanship — a scheme, 
for  example,  which  will  involve  as  small  a concession  as 
possible  to  the  demand  of  the  people  concerned,  and  have 
a fair  chance  of  passing  the  House  of  Lords.  Eminent 
statesmen  have  more  than  once  challenged  Irish  public  men 
to  say  what  they  want,  but  the  required  answer  has  not 
be  forthcoming.  There  have  been  answers,  but  they  have 
been  too  reasonable.  English  statesmen  have  not  been 


312 


'/HR  STORY  OF  IRELAND, 


able  to  oF^r  upon  them  the  comment,  “We  told  you  so! 
the  thing  demanded  is  utterly  out  of  the  range  of  practical 
politics,  and,  in  point  of  fact,  is  absolutely  out  of  the  ques- 
tion.*' The  answer  really  required  is  such  a one  as  English 
statesmen  can  meet  with  a 7ion  possuntus.  And  for  this  rea- 
son, English  statesmen,  I repeat,  know  that  a substantial 
concession  will  have  to  made  to  the  genius  of  Irish  nation- 
ality within  the  next  few  years.  The  demand  for  it  is  too 
strong  to  be  resisted;  for  the  Irish  race  have  to  be  dealt 
with  now.  If  at  home  on  Irish  soil  the  people  can  hiake 
the  ruling  powers  uneasy’*  to  such  an  extent  as  I have  in- 
dicated, in  Westminster  their  representatives  can  clog  the 
wheels  of  legislation  and  endanger  the  very  existence  of 
Government  by  parliamentary  methods;  while  abroad,  in 
Great  Britain,  America,  Australia,  Canada,  the  exiled  Irish 
have  discovered  how  to  operate  on  the  flank,  so  to  speak,  by 
elevating  the  Irish  question  into  the  position  of  a national 
or  colonial  issue.  Further,  England’s  guilt  towards  Ireland 
is  known  and  commented  on  all  over  the  world.  Further 
still,  the  real  people  of  England — the  working  men  of  Eng- 
land— have  of  late  been  asking  for  the  reasons  why  Ireland 
should  be  perpetually  discontented,  and  the  answers  they 
have  received,  to  the  credit  of  their  common  sense,  be  it 
said,  do  not  appear  to  have  satisfied  them.  Respectable 
England  is  very  angry;  and,  to  conceal  their  annoyance  at 
the  inevitable,  and  to  pave  the  way  for  a concession,  English 
statesmen  ask  the  question  of  Irish  public  men — “What  do 
you  want  ? ” and  require  an  answer  to  which  they  may  return 
an  emphatic  “Impossible.”  But  this  is  only  diplomacy. 
They  only  desire  us  to  say  how  much  we  want,  in  order  to 
say  in  reply  how  little  they  will  give.  They  ask  us  to 
“ formulate  our  demand,”  that  they,  in  formulating  their 
concession,  may  assure  their  opponents  of  its  comparative 
innocence.  Responsible  Irish  public  men  have  declined  to 
fall  into  the  trap.  And  they  have  acted  very  wisely.  For 


WHAT  WILL  SATISFY  THE  IRISH  PEOPLE? 

The  question  is  frequently  asked,  What  will  satisfy 
the  Irish  people  ? ” And  the  answer  is  as  frequently 
volunteered,  Nothing.  Nothing  will  satisfy  them 
but  total  separation — and  that  they  won’t  get.”  It  :z  an 
illogical  way  of  answering  a question,  but  pardonable  in  an 
Englishman;  and  the  impatience  which  it  manifests  is  also 
strikingly  characteristic.  Your  ordinary  Englishman  enter- 
tains the  pretty  conceit  that  English  rule  is  of  such  a benefi- 
cent character  that  any  people  who  do  not  tamely  submit^ 
to  it  are  to  be  pitied  and — dragooned.  While  in  particular, 
the  Irish  people,  for  their  obstinacy  in  refusing  to  see  any 
virtue  in  English  rule  in  Ireland,  “must  be  clearly  made 
to  understand,”  and  “must  be  told  once  for  all,”  that 
England  will  maintain  her  hold  upon  Ireland  at  all  costs. 
All  this  talk  is  indulged  in  really  for  the  sake  of  concealing 
the  chagrin  which  England  experiences  in  consequence  of 
the  fact,  revealed  in  recent  years,  that  the  people  of  Ireland 
have  discovered  how  to  make  it  more  difficult  for  England 
to  rule  Ireland  than  to  govern  all  the  rest  of  her  vast  empire 
put  together.  English  statesmen,  even  now,  are  devising  a 
middle  course  between  things  as  they  are,  and  total  separa- 
tion. They  are  casting  about  for  a scheme  which  will  com- 
bine the  characteristics  of  modern  statesmanship — a scheme, 
for  example,  which  will  involve  as  small  a concession  as 
possible  to  the  demand  of  the  people  concerned,  and  have 
a fair  chance  of  passing  the  House  of  Lords.  Eminent 
statesmen  have  more  than  once  challenged  Irish  public  men 
to  say  what  they  want,  but  the  required  answer  has  not 
be  forthcoming.  There  have  been  answers,  but  they  have 
been  too  reasonable.  English  statesmen  have  not  been 


s 


WHA  T WILL  SA  TISFY  THE  IRISh  i I. 

why  should  Irish  public  men  show  their  hand  r :h 
English  Prime  Ministers  ? 

Apart  altogether  from  considerations  of  this  charav 
however,  there  are  others  of  a distinctly  Irish  nature  whu 
the  leaders  of  the  National  movement  in  Ireland  have  to 
take  into  account.  The  varying  shades  of  National 
sentiment  may  not  be  ignored.  Let  us  therefore  ana- 
lyze the  degrees  of  intensity  of  Irish  Nationalist  aspira- 
tions. 

We  have  first,  the  Extremists,  those  who  believe  that  total 
separation  from  England  is  the  only  thing  that  would  satisfy 
Irish  genius  or  develop  it  properly.  These  include  the 
most  self-sacrificing  Irishmen.  They  represent,  in  their 
aspirations  for  Irish  liberty,  those  who  have  made  the 
most  illustrious  names  in  Ireland's  history.  They  include 
many  cultured  men,  especially  among  the  expatriated  por- 
tion of  the  race,  but  their  main  strength  is  in  the  working 
classes.  Patriotism  is  purer  among  the  industrial  order  be- 
cause less  modified  by  mercenary  motives  and  less  liable  to 
corrupting  influences.  But  the  Extremists  or  Separatists 
are  divided  among  themselves  upon  the  question  of  method. 
There  are  Separatists  who  advocate  physical  force,  believ- 
ing moral  force — that  is,  constitutional  means,  ineffectual 
and  demoralizing.  This  section  includes  men  who  have 
never  tried  moral  force,  and  who  believe  solely  either  in 
‘‘honorable  warfare’’  or  “dynamite."  It  also  includes 
those  who  have  tried  moral  force,  and  given  it  up  in  despair. 
Then  there  are  the  Separatists,  who,  with  the  experiences 
of  '48  and  ’67  before  their  minds,  rely  upon  constitutional 
action  alone. 

Next  in  importance  fo  the  Extremists  come  the  Home 
Rulers,  or  Federalists,  who  may  be  divided  into  those  who 
disbelieve  in  the  possibility  of  Separation  and  those  who  do 
not  see  its  necessity.  This  section  of  the  National  party 
includes  some  of  the  ablest  and  most  earnest  men  in  Ire- 


WJ  \.  X 


ND, 


> methods,  I neea  hardly  say,  are  strictly  con- 

.ish  leader  can  afford  to  ignore  either  of  these  two 
■ pal  phases  of  Irish  National  sentiment.  Were  such  a 
^n  to  commit  himself  to  a definite  scheme,  at  the  mere 
im  itation  of  an  English  Minister,  he  would  run  the  risk  of 
alienating  that  section  of  his  supporters  whose  views  were 
not  represented  in  his  proposals.  It  is  an  obvious  remark 
that  such  a contingency  would  not  be  unwelcome  to  English 
statesmen.  From  what  I have  just  said,  it  will  be  readily 
perceived  how  difficult  is  the  task  to  which  Irish  popular 
leaders  are  asked  to  address  themselves. 

Nevertheless,  I shall  venture  to  outline  a scheme  of  local 
and  National  self-government  which,  I believe,  would  com- 
mand the  support  of  the  majority  of  the  Irish  people  at 
home  and  abroad,  and  which  would  probably  receive  a fair 
trial  at  the  hands  of  the  Extremists;  though  its  operation 
would  undoubtedly  be  watched  with  a jealous  eye. 

In  the  first  place,  there  should  be  established  in  Ireland  a 
system  of  county  government,  by  means  of  Elective  Boards, 
to  take  the  place  of  the  existing  unrepresentative  and  prac- 
tically irresponsible  Grand  Jury  system.  The  functions  of 
such  Boards  should  be  more  comprehensive  than  those  ex- 
ercised by  the  Grand  Juries.  For  example,  in  addition  to 
the  duty  of  administering  purely  county  business  these 
Boards  should  be  permitted  to  initiate  measures  of  general 
application;  such  as  schemes  of  arterial  drainage,  tramways, 
railways,  canals,  docks,  harbors,  and  similar  enterprises, 
which  would  be  of  more  than  local  importance  and  charac- 
ter. Such  schemes,  after  being  fully  discussed  by  these 
elective  bodies,  would  be  submitted  to  the  National  Assem- 
bly to  be  subsequently  described.  Then  the  County  Boards 
should  control  the  police  within  the  county,  and  appoint  the 
magistrates,  and  be  entirely  responsible  for  the  preservation 
of  law  and  order. 


THE  STORY  OF  /RE LA  N’T), 


able  to  of  '",!*  upon  them  the  comment,  “We  told  you  so! 
the  thing  demanded  is  utterly  out  of  the  range  of  practical 
politics,  and,  in  point  of  fact,  is  absolutely  out  of  the  ques- 
tion.*' The  answer  really  required  is  such  a one  as  English 
statesmen  can  meet  with  Si  non  possumus.  And  for  this  rea- 
son, English  statesmen,  I repeat,  know  that  a substantial 
concession  will  have  to  made  to  the  genius  of  Irish  nation- 
ality within  the  next  few  years.  The  demand  for  it  is  too 
strong  to  be  resisted;  for  the  Irish  race  have  to  be  dealt 
with  now.  If  at  home  on  Irish  soil  the  people  can  make 
the  ruling  powers  uneasy*’  to  such  an  extent  as  I have  in- 
dicated, in  Westminster  their  representatives  can  clog  the 
wheels  of  legislation  and  endanger  the  very  existence  of 
Government  by  parliamentary  methods;  while  abroad,  in 
’Great  Britain,  America,  Australia,  Canada,  the  exiled  Irish 
have  discovered  how  to  operate  on  the  flank,  so  to  speak,  by 
elevating  the  Irish  question  into  the  position  of  a national 
or  colonial  issue.  Further,  England’s  guilt  towards  Ireland 
is  known  and  commented  on  all  over  the  world.  Further 
still,  the  real  people  of  England — the  working  men  of  Eng- 
land—have  of  late  been  asking  for  the  reasons  why  Ireland 
should  be  perpetually  discontented,  and  the  answers  they 
have  received,  to  the  credit  of  their  common  sense,  be  it 
said,  do  not  appear  to  have  satisfied  them.  Respectable 
England  is  very  angry;  and,  to  conceal  their  annoyance  at 
the  inevitable,  and  to  pave  the  way  for  a concession,  English 
statesmen  ask  the  question  of  Irish  public  men — “ What  do 
you  want  ? ” and  require  an  answer  to  which  they  may  return 
an  emphatic  “ Impossible.’’  But  this  is  only  diplomacy. 
They  only  desire  us  to  say  how  much  we  want,  in  order  to 
say  in  reply  how  little  they  will  give.  They  ask  us  to 
“formulate  our  demand,’’  that  they,  in  formulating  their 
concession,  may  assure  their  opponents  of  its  comparative 
innocence.  Responsible  Irish  public  men  have  declined  to 
fall  into  the  trap.  And  they  have  acted  very  wisely.  For 


313 


WHA  T WILL  SA  TISFY  THE  IRISH  PEOPLE. 

why  should  Irish  public  men  show  their  hand  rather  than 
English  Prime  Ministers  ? 

Apart  altogether  from  considerations  of  this  characteristic 
however,  there  are  others  of  a distinctly  Irish  nature  which 
the  leaders  of  the  National  movement  in  Ireland  have  to 
take  into  account.  The  varying  shades  of  National 
sentiment  may  not  be  ignored.  Let  us  therefore  ana- 
lyze the  degrees  of  intensity  of  Irish  Nationalist  aspira- 
tions. 

We  have  first,  the  Extremists,  those  who  believe  that  total 
separation  from  England  is  the  only  thing  that  would  satisfy 
Irish  genius  or  develop  it  properly.  These  include  the 
most  self-sacrificing  Irishmen.  They  represent,  in  their 
aspirations  for  Irish  liberty,  those  who  have  made  the 
most  illustrious  names  in  Ireland’s  history.  They  include 
many  cultured  men,  especially  among  the  expatriated  por- 
tion of  the  race,  but  their  main  strength  is  in  the  working 
classes.  Patriotism  is  purer  among  the  industrial  order  be- 
cause less  modified  by  mercenary  motives  and  less  liable  to 
corrupting  influences.  But  the  Extremists  or  Separatists 
are  divided  among  themselves  upon  the  question  of  method. 
There  are  Separatists  who  advocate  physical  force,  believ- 
ing moral  force — that  is,  constitutional  means,  ineffectual'  ,, 
and  demoralizing.  This  section  includes  men  who  have 
never  tried  moral  force,  and  who  believe  solely  either  in 
“honorable  warfare*'  or  “dynamite."  It  also  includes 
those  who  have  tried  moral  force,  and  given  it  up  in  despair. 
Then  there  are  the  Separatists,  who,  with  the  experiences 
of  ’48  and  *67  before  their  minds,  rely  upon  constitutional 
action  alone. 

Next  in  importance  io  the  Extremists  come  the  Home  ' " 
Rulers,  or  Federalists,  who  may  be  divided  into  those  who 
disbelieve  in  the  possibility  of  Separation  and  those  who  do 
not  see  its  necessity.  This  section  of  the  National  party 
includes  some  of  the  ablest  and  most  earnest  men  in  Ire- 


314 


THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND. 


land.  Their  methods,  I need  hardly  say,  are  strictly  con- 
situational. 

No  Iri  sh  leader  can  afford  to  ignore  either  of  these  tw 
principal  phases  of  Irish  National  sentiment.  Were  such..x 
man  to  commit  himself  to  a definite  scheme,  at  the  mere 
invitation  of  an  English  Minister,  he  would  run  the  risk  of 
alienating  that  section  of  his  supporters  whose  views  were 
not  represented  in  his  proposals.  It  is  an  obvious  remark 
that  such  a contingency  would  not  be  unwelcome  to  English 
statesmen.  From  what  I have  just  said,  it  will  be  readily 
perceived  how  difficult  is  the  task  to  which  Irish  popular 
leaders  are  asked  to  address  themselves. 

Nevertheless,  I shall  venture  to  outline  a scheme  of  local 
and  National  self-government  which,.!  believe,  would  com- 
mand the  support  of  the  majority  of  the  Irish  people  at 
home  and  abroad,  and  which  would  probably  receive  a fair 
trial  at  the  hands  of  the  Extremists;  though  its  operation 
would  undoubtedly  be  watched  with  a jealous  eye. 

In  the  first  place,  there  should  be  established  in  Ireland  a 
system  of  county  government,  by  means  of  Elective  Boards, 
to  take  the  place  of  the  existing  unrepresentative  and  prac- 
tically irresponsible  Grand  Jury  system.  The  functions  of 
such  Boards  should  be  more  comprehensive  than  those  ex- 
ercised by  the  Grand  Juries.  For  example,  in  addition  to 
the  duty  of  administering  purely  county  business  these 
Boards  should  be  permitted  to  initiate  measures  of  general 
application;  such  as  schemes  of  arterial  drainage,  tramways, 
railways,  canals,  docks,  harbors,  and  similar  enterprises, 
which  would  be  of  more  than  local  importance  and  charac- 
ter. Such  schemes,  after  being  fully  discussed  by  these 
elective  bodies,  would  be  submitted  to  the  National  Assem- 
bly to  be  subsequently  described.  Then  the  County  ]5oards 
should  control  the  police  within  the  county,  and  appoint  the 
magistrates,  and  be  entirely  responsible  for  the  preservation 
of  law  and  order. 


IRISH  PEOPLE.  315 


WHAT  WILL  SATISFY  THE 

Further,  should  the  land  problem  be  justly  and  satisfac- 
torily solved  on  the  lines  of  national  proprietary,  the  duty 

of  assessing  and  collecting  the  land-tax  would  naturally  de- 
volve upon  the  County  Boards^  which,  deducting  what  was 
necessary  for  the  expenses  of  county  government,  would 
remit  the  balance  to  the  National  Exchequer.  In  fact,  the 
object  of  such  a system  should  be  to  constitute  each  county, 
as  far  as  practicable,  a self-governing  community. 

Manifestly  any  system  of  local  self-government  for  Ire- 
land involves  a corresponding  one  of  National  self-goyern-  * 
ment  as  its  natural  and  inevitable  complement.  To  extend 
the  principle  of  local  self-government  at  all  in  Ireland,  with- 
out radically  changing  the  system  of  Castle  rule,  would  only 
have  the  effect  of  increasing  the  friction  already  existing  be- 
tween the  people  and  their  rulers.  Hence,  it  is  absolutely  ' 
necessary  that  legislation  for  National  self-government 
should  go  hand  in  hand  with  any  scheme  for  the  creation  of 
Elective  County  Boards.  I am  well  aware  that  the  hope  is 
indulged,  in  some  quarters,  that  the  inclusion  of  Ireland  in  \ 
a general  measure  of  county  government,  with  the  sop  of 
an  Irish  Parliamentary  Grand  Committee  thrown  in,  will 
suffice  to  choke  off  the  demand  for  Irish  legislative  inde- 
pendence; but  English  statesmen  need  not  delude  them- 
selves with  the  idea  that  any  such  Westminster  expedient 
will  satisfy  the  genius  of  Irish  Nationality. 

There  could  be  established  in  Dublin  a National  Assem- 
bly composed  of  elected  members  from  the  constituencies 
of  Ireland,  who  should  proceed  to  the  administration  of  all 
Irish  affairs  in  the  manner  which  obtains  in  colonial  parlia- 
ments, excepting  the  substitution  of  one  for  two  Chambers, 
here  proposed.  That  is  to  say,  the  Representative  of  the 
Crown  in  Ireland  would  call  upon  some  member  of  the 
National  Assembly  to  form  a government  the  different  mem- 
bers of  which  should  be  constituted  the  heads  of  the  various 
Boards,  which  at  present  are  practically  irresponsible  bureau- 


WHAT  WILL  SATISFY  THE 


Further,  should  the  land  problem  be  ju. 
torily  solved  on  the  lines  of  national  proprie^ 
of  assessing  and  collecting  the  land-tax  would  n. 
volve  upon  the  County  Boards,  which,  deducting  \. 
necessary  for  the  expenses  of  county  government,  > 
remit  the  balance  to  the  National  Exchequer.  In  fact,  l. 
object  of  such  a system  should  be  to  constitute  each  county, 
as  far  as  practicable,  a self-governing  community. 

Manifestly  any  system  of  local  self-government  for  Ire- 
land involves  a corresponding  one  of  National  self-govern- 
ment as  its  natural  and  inevitable  complement.  To  extend 
the  principle  of  local  self-government  at  all  in  Ireland,  with- 
_ out  radically  changing  the  system  of  Castle  rule,  would  only 
have  the  effect  of  increasing  the  friction  already  existing  be- 
tween the  people  and  their  rulers.  Hence,  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  that  legislation  for  National  self-government 
should  go  hand  in  hand  with  any  scheme  for  the  creation  of 
Elective  County  Boards.  I am  well  aware  that  the  hope  is 
indulged,  in  some  quarters,  that  the  inclusion  of  Ireland  in 
a general  measure  of  county  government,  with  the  sop  of 
an  Irish  Parliamentary  Grand  Committee  thrown  in,  will 
suffice  to  choke  off  the  demand  for  Irish  legislative  inde- 
pendence; but  English  statesmen  need  not  delude  them- 
selves with  the  idea  that  any  such  Westminster  expedient 
will  satisfy  the  genius  of  Irish  Nationality. 

There  could  be  established  in  Dublin  a National  Assem- 
bly composed  of  elected  members  from  the  constituencies 
of  Ireland,  who  should  proceed  to  the  administration  of  all 
Irish  affairs  in  the  manner  which  obtains  in  colonial  parlia- 
ments, excepting  the  substitution  of  one  for  two  Chambers, 
here  proposed.  That  is  to  say,  the  Representative  of  the 
Crown  in  Ireland  would  call  upon  some  member  of  the 
National  Assembly  to  form  a government  the  different  mem- 
bers of  which  should  be  constituted  the  heads  of  the  various 
Boards,  which  at  present  are  practically  irresponsible  bureau- 


OJ^V  OF  IFF  LAND. 


under  the  system  here  proposed,  would 
^nts  of  a popular  government,  and  open  to 
ii  of  the  people  through  the  National  Assem- 
a government,  subject  to  the  control  of  the  gov- 
. rough  their  elected  representatives,  would  be  the 
jal  solution  of  the  Anglo-Irish  difficulty.  It  would  be 
. the  common  definition  of  constitutional  rule  carried  into 
practice.  It  would,  as  already  remarked,  be  the  application 
to  misgoverned  and  unfortunate  Ireland  of  a constitution 
kindred  to  that  which  British  statesmanship  has  long  since 
granted,  wisely  and  well,  to  a consequently  peaceful  and 
contented  Canada. 

Certainly  if  a similar  act  of  political  justice  and  sound . 
policy  does  not  solve  the  Irish  difficulty,  nothing  less  will. 

What  possible  danger  could  England  run  from  such  an 
application  of  constitutional  rule  to  a country  much  nearer 
to  the  centre  of  Imperial  power  than  Canada  ? But  what  a 
beneficent  change  for  Ireland — nay,  what  a relief  to  England 
herself — would  be  involved  in  such  an  act  of  simple  politi- 
cal justice  ! 


INDEX 


Anderson,  Hon.  C.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio ; p.  134. 

Blair,  Hon.  H.  W.,  Senator  from  New  Hampshire  ; p.  82. 
Bliss,  Hon;  A.  M.,  M.  C.  of  New  York ; p.  127. 

Blaine,  Hon.  Jas.  G.;  p.  189. 

Brown,  Hon.  Wm.  Wallace,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania  ; p.  121. 
Brumm,  Hon.  Chas.  N.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  90. 
Belford,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Colorado ; p.  163. 

Butterworth,  Hon.  B.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio  ; p.  140. 

Biichanan,  Hon.  Jas.,  M.  C.  of  New  Jersey;  p.  140. 

A Bayne,  Hon.  Thos.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  128. 
Bynum,  Hon.  W.  D. , M.  C.  of  Indiana  ; p.  122. 

Burnes,  Hon.  Jas.  N.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri  ; p.  118. 

Baker,  Hon.  Chas.  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  112, 

Brady,  Col.  J.  D.,  M.  C.  of  Virginia  ; p.  166. 

Bland,  Hon.  R.  P.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  150. 

Campbell,  Hon.  T.  J.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  159. 

Crawley,  Thos.,  Mayor  of  Alexandria,  La.;  p.  176. 

Campbell,  Hon.  F.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  172. 

Cotchings,  Hon.  T.  C.,  M.  C.;  p.  184. 

Cole,  Hon.  W.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Maryland;  p.  170. 

Compton,  Hon.  Barnes,  M.  C.  of  Maryland;  p.  102. 

Cooper,  Hon.  W.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio  ; p.  100. 

Conger,  Hon.  E.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa ; p.  103. 

Comstock,  Hon.  C.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Michigan  ; p.  186. 

Cutcheon,  Hon.  B.  M.,  M.  C,  of  Michigan  ; p.  115. 

Davitt,  Michael ; p.  311. 

Dawes,  Hon.  H.  L.  of  Massachusetts  ; p.  85. 

Dingley,  Hon.  Nelson  Jr.,  M.  C.  of  Maine;  p.  103. 

Dockery,  Hon.  Alex.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  106. 

Ely,  Hon.  F.  D.,  M.  C.  of  Massachusetts ; 157. 

Frye,  Hon.  Wm.  P.,  Senator  from  Maine  ; p.  80. 

Ford,  Hon.  Geo.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana;  p.  132. 

Findlay,  Hon.  John  V.  L.,  M.  C.  of  Maryland  ; p.  86. 


V 


NDEX, 


.cor  from  Louisiana  ; p.  85. 

M.  P.;  p.  203,  285. 
j£.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio ; p.  89. 
jrt  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  Jersey  ; p.  138. 
j.  S.,  Delegate  to  Congress  from  Dakota ; p.  117. 

. W.  G.,  M.  C.  of  Vermont ; p.  124. 

.r,  Hon.  J.  H.,  M.  C.  of  New  Hampshire ; p.  153. 

Gen.  J.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  154. 

Hendricks,  Hon.  T.  A.,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States ; 173. 
Holman,  Hon.  W.  S.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana  ; p.  149. 

'ilewitt,  Hon.  A.  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  York ; p.  158. 

Hale,  Hon.  Eugene,  of  Maine ; p.  79. 

Hall,  Hon.  John  B.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  99. 

Hoar,  Hon.  Geo.  F.,  Senator  from  Massachusetts  ; p.  86. 

Houk,  Hon.  L.  C.  M.  C.  of  Tennessee ; p.  100. 

Henderson,  Hon.  D.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa ; p.  111. 

Hanback,  Hon.  Lewis.,  M.  C.  of  Kansas ; p.  111. 

Halsell,  Hon.  Jno.  E.,  M.  O.  of  Kentucky ; p.  105. 

Holmes,  Hon.  A.  J.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa ; p.  106. 

Haynes,  Hon.  Martin  A.,  M.  C.  of  New  Hampshire;  p.  141. 
Harmer,  Hon.  A.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  133. 

Henderson,  Hon.  T.  J. , M.  C.  of  Illinois ; p.  123. 

Henley,  Hon.  Barclay.,  M.  C.  of  California;  p.  115. 

Hisock,  Hon.  Frank.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  116. 

Henderson,  Hon.  J.  S.,  M.  C.  of  North  Carolina  ; p.  131. 
Hubbard,  Hon.  L.  F.,  Governor  of  Minnesota  ; p.  185. 

Ireland,  Hon.  J.,  Governor  of  Texas  ; p.  183. 

James,  Hon.  Darwin  R.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  116. 

Johnson,  C.  W.,  Clerk  of  the  U.  S.  Senate  ; p.  181. 

Kelley,  Hon.  Wm.  D.,  Congressman  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  82. 
Kleiner,  Hon.  John  J.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana  ; p.  146. 

Larrabee,  Gov.  Wm.  of  Iowa ; p.  160. 

Laffoon,  Hon.  Polk,  M.  C.  of  Kentucky  ; p.  122. 

Lefevre,  lion.  Benj.,  M.  C. ; p.  185. 

Long,  lion.  John  D.,  M.  C.  of  Massachusetts;  p.  128. 

Love,  Hon.  C.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Delaware  ; p.  134. 

Lyman,  Hon.  J.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa;  p.  114. 

Logan,  Hon.  John  A.,  Senator  from  Illinois  ; p.  76. 


316 


THE  story  of  IRELAND, 


cracies;  but  which,  under  the  system  here  proposed,  would 
become  departments  of  a popular  government,  and  open  to 
the  supervision  of  the  people  through  the  National  Assem- 
bly. Such  a government,  subject  to  the  control  of  the  gov- 
erned thr  ough  their  elected  representatives,  would  be  the 
practical  solution  of  the  Anglo-Irish  difficulty.  It  would  be 
but  the  common  definition  of  constitutional  rule  carried  into 
practice.  It  would,  as  already  remarked,  be  the  application 
to  misgoverned  and  unfortunate  Ireland  of  a constitution 
kindred  to  that  which  British  statesmanship  has  long  since 
granted,  wisely  and  well,  to  a consequently  peaceful  and 
contented  Canada. 

Certainly  if  a similar  act  of  political  justice  and  sound 
policy  does  not  solve  the  Irish  difficulty,  nothing  less  will. 

What  possible  danger  could  England  run  from  such  an 
application  of  constitutional  rule  to  a country  much  nearer 
to  the  centre  of  Imperial  power  than  Canada?  lUit  what  a 
beneficent  change  for  Ireland — nay,  what  a relief  to  England 
herself — would  be  involved  in  such  an  act  of  simple  politi- 
cal justice  ! 


Anderson,  Hon.  C,  M.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio ; p.  134. 

Blair,  Hon.  H.  W.,  Senator  from  New  Hampshire  ; p.  82. 
Bliss,  Hon;  A.  M.,  M.  C.  of  New  .York;  p.  127. 

Blaine,  Hon.  Jas.  G.;  p.  189. 

Brown,  Hon.  Wm.  Wallace^  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania  ; p.  121. 
Brumm,  Hon.  Chas.  N.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  90. 
Belford,  Hon.  J.  B,,  M.  C.  of  Colorado ; p.  163. 

Butterworth,  Hon.  B.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio  ; p.  140. 

Buchanan,  Hon.  Jas.,  M.  C.  of  New  Jersey;  p.  140. 

'V  Bayne,  Hon.  Thos.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  128. 
Bynum,  Hon.  W.  D. , M.  C.  of  Indiana  ; p.  122. 

Burnes,  Hon.  Jas.  N.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri  ; p.  118. 

Baker,  Hon.  Chas.  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  112. 

Biudy,  Col.  J.  D.,  M.  C.  of  Virginia  ; p.  166. 

Bland,  Hon.  R.  P.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  150. 

Campbell,  Hon.  T.  J.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  159. 

Crawley,  Thos.,  Mayor  of  Alexandria,  La.;  p.  176. 
Campbell,  Hon.  F.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  172. 

Cotchings,  Hon.  T.  C.,  M.  C.;  p.  184. 

Cole,  Hon.  W.  H. , M.  C.  of  Maryland ; p.  170. 

Compton,  Hon.  Barnes,  M.  C.  of  Maryland;  p.  102. 

Cooper,  Hon.  W.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio  ; p.  100. 

Conger,  Hon.  E.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa ; p.  103. 

Comstock,  Hon.  C.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Michigan  ; p.  186. 

Cutcheon,  Hon.  B.  M.,  M.  C,  of  Michigan  ; p.  115. 

Davitt,  Michael  ; p.  311. 

Dawes,  Hon.  H.  L,  of  Massachusetts  ; p.  85. 

Dingley,  Hon.  Nelson  Jr.,  M.  C.  of  Maine;  p.  103. 

Dockery,  Hon.  Alex.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  106. 

Ely,  Hon.  F.'D.,  M.  C.  of  Massachusetts;  157. 

Frye,  Hon.  Wm.  P.,  Senator  from  Maine  ; p.  80. 

Ford,  Hon.  Geo.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana ; p.  132. 

Findlay,  Hon.  John  V.  L.,  M.  C.  of  Maryland  ; p.  86. 


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INDEX, 

Gibson,  Hon.  R.  L.,  Senator  from  Louisiana ; p.  85. 

Gladstone,  Hon.  W.  E.,  M.  P.;  p.  203,  285. 

Grosvenor,  Hon.  C.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio;  p.  89. 

Green,  Hon.  Robert  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  Jersey  ; p.  138. 

Gifford,  Hon.  O.  S.,  Delegate  to  Congress  from  Dakota;  p.  117. 
Grout,  Hon . W,  Q-.,  M.  C.  of  Vermont ; p.  124. 

GaUing^f,  Hon.  J.  H.,  M.  C.  of  New  Hampshire;  p.  153. 

Glover,  Gen.  J.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  154. 

Hendricks,’  Hon.  T.  A.,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States ; 173. 
.Holman,  Hon.  W.  S.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana  ; p.  149. 

^Mewitt,  Hon.  A.  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  158. 

Hale,  Hon.  Eugene,  of  Maine ; p.  79. 

Hall,  Hon.  John  B.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  99. 

Hoar,  Hon.  Geo.  F.,  Senator  from  Massachusetts  ; p.  86. 

Houk;  Hon.  L.  C.  M.  C.  of  Tennessee ; p.  100. 

Henderson,  Hon.  D.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa ; p.  111. 

Hanback,  Hon.  Lewis.,  M.  C.  of  Kansas ; p.  111. 

Halsell,  Hon.  Jno.  E.,  M.  C.  of  Kentucky  ; p.  105. 

Holmes,  Hon.  A.  J.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa ; p.  106. 

Haynes,  Hon.  Martin  A.,  M.  C.  of  New  Hampshire  ; p.  141. 
Harmer,  Hon.  A.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania  ; p.  133. 

-Henderson,  Hon.  T.  J. , M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  123. 

Henley,  Hon.  Barclay.,  M.  C.  of  California;  p.  115. 

Hisock,  Hon.  Frank.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  116. 

Henderson,  Hon.  J.  S.,  M.  C.  of  North  Carolina ; p.  131. 
Hubbard,  Hon.  L.  F.,  Governor  of  Minnesota ; p.  185. 

Ireland,  Hon.  J.,  Governor  of  Texas  ; p.  183. 

James,  Hon.  Darwin  R.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  116. 

Johnson,  0.  W.,  Clerk  of  the  U.  S.  Sena^te  ; p.  181. 

Kelley,  Hon.  Wm.  D.,  Congressman  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  82. 
Kleiner,  Hon.  John  J.,  M.  0.  of  Indiana  ; p.  146. 

Larrabee,  Gov.  Wm.  of  Iowa ; p.  160. 

Laffoon,  Hon.  Polk,  M.  C.  of  Kentucky  ; p.  122. 

Lefevre,  Hon.  Benj.,  M.  C. ; p.  185. 

Long,  Hon.  John  D.,  M.  C.  of  Massachusetts;  p.  128. 

Love,  Hon.  C.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Delaware  ; p.  134. 

Lyman,  Hon.  J.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa;  p.  114. 

Logan,  Hon.  John  A.,  Senator  from  Illinois  ; p.  75. 


INDJiJL. 


Larsaey,  Hon.  T.  E.,  M.  C.  of  Michigan;  p^^8: 
Lawler.  Hon.  L.,  M.  0.  of  Illinois  ; 

Lindsley,  Hon.  J.  Gi,  M.  C.;^.,162. 

Long,  J,  G.^  Mayor  of  Str'Augustine,  Fla.,;  p.  178. 
Louttit,  Hon.  C.  of  California  ; p.  179. 


MeiTiifTanTHon.  T.  A. , M.  C . of  New  York  ; p.  163. 
,^;,<^McComas,  Hon.  L.  E.,  M.  C.;  p.  183.  . 

McPherson,  Hon.  J.  R.,  Senator  from  New  Jersey ; p.  79. 
McAdoo,  Hon.  Wm.,  M.  0.  of  New  Jersey ; p.  95. 
'^f..^'^Iiller,  Hon.  James  F.,  M.  C.  of  Texas ; p.  106. 

Miller,  Hon.  Warner,  Senator  from  New  York ; p.  110.. 
Millard,  Hon.  Stephen  C.,  M.  C.  of  New  York;  p.  107. 
Morrison,  Hon.  W m.  R. , M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  87. 

Ma,tson,  Hon.  C.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana  ; p.  108. 

Murphy,  Hon.  Jas.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa ; p.  144. 

Mahoney,  Hon.  P.  P.,  M.  C.  of  New  York;  p.  143. 

I Maybury,  Hon.  W.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Michigan;  p.  135. 
McCook,  Gen.  Anson  G.,  Sec.  U.  S.  Senate,  p.  130. 

\ McKenna,  Hon.  J.,  M.  C.  of  California;  p.  130. 


O’Neill,  Hon.  John  J.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  91. 

Owen,  Hon.  D.  W.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana  ; p.  108. 

Parnell,  Hon.  Chas.  S.,  M.  P.;  p.  363. 

Pettibone,  Hon.  A.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Tennessee;  p.  153. 
Peters,  Hon.  S.  R.,  M.  C.,  of  Kansas;  p.  101._ 

Pindar,  Hon.  J.  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  119. 

Phelps,  Hon.  Wm.  Walter,  M.  C.,  of  New  Jersey;  p.  136. 
Payne,  Hon.  Sereno,  M.  C.  of  New  York ; p.  133. 

Price,  Hon.  W.  T.,  M.  C.  of  Wisconsin;  p.  139. 

Perkins,  Hon.  B.  W.,  M.  C.  of  Kansas ; p.  117. 

Plumb,  Hon.  Ralph,  M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  136. 

Ranney,  Hon.  A.  A.,  M.  C.  of  Massachusetts  ; p.  137. 
Ronieis,  Hon.  Jacob,  M.  C.  of  Ohio ; p.  139. 

Reagan,  Hon.  J.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Texas  ; p.  147. 

Randal,  Hon.  S.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  148. 

Ryan,  Hon.  T.,  M.  C.  of  Kansas  ; p.  167. 

Rice,  M.  C.,  Mayor  of  Jaclcsonville,  Fla.,  p.  177. 


Sawyer,  Hon.  Philetus,  Senator  from  Wisconsin  ; p.  81. 
Sherman,  Hon.  John,  Senator  from  Ohio  ; p.  96 


INVKX, 


Larsaey,  Hon.  T.  E. , M.  C.  of  Michigan ; p.  138. 

Lawler,  Hon.  L.,  M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  172. 

Lindsley,  Hon.  J.  G.,  M.  C.;  p.  182. 

Long,  J.  G.,  Mayor  of  SL  Augustine,  Fla. ; p.  178. 
Louttit,  Hon.  J.  A.,  M.  C.  of  California  ; p.  179. 

Mevriman,  Hon.  T.  A.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  162. 
McComas,  Hon.  L.  E.,  M.  C.;  p.  183. 

McPherson,  Hon.  J.  E.,  Senator  from  New  Jersey  ; p.  79. 
McAdoo,  Hon.  Wm.,  M.  C.  of  New  Jersey ; p.  95. 
lliller,  Hon.  James  F.,  M.  C.  of  Texas ; p.  105. 

Miller,  Hon.  Warner,  Senator  from  New  York  ; p.  110. 
Millard,  Hon.  Stephen  C.,  M.  C.  of  New  York;  p.  107. 
Morrison,  Hon.  Wm.  E.,  M.  C.  of  Illinois ; p.  87. 

Matson,  Hon.  C.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana  ; p.  108. 

Murphy,  Hon.  Jas.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa ; p.  144. 

Mahoney,  Hon.  P.  P.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  142. 
Maybury,  Hon.  W.  C.,  M.  C.  of  Michigan;  p.  135. 
McCook,  Gen.  Anson  G.,  Sec.  U.  S.  Senate,  p.  130. 
McKenna,  Hon.  J.,  M.  C.  of  California ; p.  130. 

O’Neill,  Hon.  John  J.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  91. 

Owen,  Hon.  D.  W.,  M.  C.  of  Indiana ; p.  108. 

Parnell,  Hon.  Chas.  S.,  M.  P. ; p.  263. 

Pettibone,  Hon.  A.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Tennessee ; p.  152. 
Peters,  Hon.  S.  E.,  M.  C.,  of  Kansas;  p.  101. 

Pindar,  Hon.  J.  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  119. 

Phelps,  Hon.  Wm.  Walter,  M.  C.,  of  New  Jersey;  p.  126. 
Payne,  Hon.  Sereno,  M.  C.  of  New  York ; p.  132. 

Price,  Hon.  W.  T.,  M.  C.  of  Wisconsin;  p.  129. 

Perkins,  Hon.  B.  W.,  M.  C.  of  Kansas  ; p.  117. 

Plumb,  Hon.  Ealph,  M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  126. 

Eanney,  Hon.  A.  A.,  M.  C.  of  Massachusetts  ; p.  137. 
Eomeis,  Hon.  Jacob,  M.  C.  of  Ohio  ; p.  129. 

Eeagan,  Hon.  J.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Texas ; p.  147. 

Eandal,  Hon.  S.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  148. 

Eyan,  Hon.  T.,  M.  C.  of  Kansas  ; p.  167. 

Eice,  M.  C.,  Mayor  of  Jacksonville,  Fla.,  p.  177. 

Sawyer,  Hon.  Philetus,  Senator  from  Wisconsin  ; p.  81. 


''  Senator  from  California  ; p.  88. 
vton.  JoHix  Pennsylvania ; p.  08. 

Stoneman,  G.,  Governo*  "^ia ; p.  180. 

Stone,  Hon.  W.  J.,  M.  C.;  p.  ^ 

Swinburne,  Hon.  John.,  M.  C.  of  ]Ne».  03, 

Sadler,  Hon.  T.  W. , M.  C.  of  Alabama ; p.  ^ 

Sawyer,  Hon.  John  G.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p. 
Stahlnecker,  Hon.  W.  G.,  of  New  York  ; p.  110. 

Springer,  Hon.  Wm.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  120. 

Symes,  Hon.  G.  G.,  M.  C.  of  Colorado  ; p.  136. 

Stone,  Hon.  W.  J.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri;  p.  139. 

Sowden,  Hon.  W.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  145. 
Storm,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania;  p.  98. 

Taylor,  Hon.  E.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio  ; p.  143. 

Townshend,  Hon.  R.  W.,  M.  C.  of  Illinois ; p.  109. 

Van  Wyck,  Hon.  C.  H.,  M.  C.  of  Nebraska  ; p.  77. 

Vest,  Hon.  G.  G.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  81. 

Viele,  Hon.  E.  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  York ; p.  118.  | 

Worthington,  Hon.  N.  E.,  M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  101. 

White,  Hon.  Milo,  M.  C.  of  Minnesota;  p.  105. 

Willis,  Hon.  A.  S.,  M.  C.  of  Kentucky  ; p.  120. 

Weaver,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa  ; p.  151. 

Warner,  Hon.  Wm.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  160. 

Woodburn,  Hon.  Wm.,  M.  C.  of  Nevada ; p.  161. 

Weber,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  New  York ; p.  162. 

Wakefield,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Minnesota  ; p.  167. 
Woodbury,  U.  A.,  Mayor  of  Burlington,  Vermont;  p.  177. 
Wait,  Hon.  J.  T.,  M.  C.;  p.  179.  , 


320 


INDEX. 


Stanford,  Hon.  Leland,  Senator  from  California  ; p.  88 
Storm,  Hon.  John  B.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania  ; p.  98. 
Stoneman,  G.,  Governor  of  California  ; p.  180. 

Stone,  Hon.  W.  J.,  M.  C.;  p.  182. 

Swinburne,  Hon.  John.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  92. 
Sadler,  Hon.  T.  W.,  M.  C.  of  Alabama  ; p.  127. 
Sawyer,  Hon.  John  G.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  125. 
Stahlnecker,  Hon.  W.  G.,  of  New  York  ; p.  110. 
Springer,  Hon.  Wm.  M.,  M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  120. 

Symes,  Hon.  G.  G.,  M.  C.  of  Colorado  ; p.  136. 

Stone,  Hon.  W.  J.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri;  p.  139. 

Sowden,  Hon.  W;  H.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania ; p.  145. 
Storm,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Pennsylvania;  p.  98. 

Taylor,  Hon.  E.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Ohio  ; p.  143. 

Townshend,  Hon.  R.  W.,  M.  C.  of  Illinois ; p.  109. 

Van  Wyck,  Hon.  C.  II.,  M.  C.  of  Nebraska  ; p.  77. 

Vest,  Hon.  G.  G.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  81. 

Viele,  Hon.  E.  S.,  M.  C.  of  New  York ; p.  118.  | 

Worthington,  Hon.  N.  E.,  M.  C.  of  Illinois  ; p.  101. 

White,  Hon.  Milo,  M.  C.  of  Minnesota/,  p.  105. 

Willis,  Hon.  A.  S.,  M.  C.  of  Kentucky  ; p.  120. 

Weaver,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Iowa  ; p.  151. 

Warner,  Hon.  Wm.,  M.  C.  of  Missouri ; p.  160. 

Woodburn,  Hon.  Wm.,  M.  C.  of  Nevada ; p.  161. 

Weber,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  New  York  ; p.  162. 

Wakefield,  Hon.  J.  B.,  M.  C.  of  Minnesota  ; p.  167. 
Woodbury,  U.  A.,  Mayor  of  Burlington,  Vermont;  p.  177. 
Wait,  Hon.  J.  T.,  M.  C.;  p.  179.  . 


